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THE HAREM

Fr.

MUHAMMAD II

THE HAREM

AN ACCOUNT OF THE INSTITUTION

AS IT EXISTED IN THE PALACE OF THE

TURKISH SULTANS WITH A HISTORY

OF THE GRAND SERAGLIO FROM

ITS FOUNDATION TO THE

PRESENT TIME

.-c^:

^y.

N? Mi'^PENZER

M.A. F.R.G.S.

PHILADELPHIA
J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY

Printed in Great Britain

THE MEMORY OF

MY FELLOW-TRAVELLER

AND FRIEND

OSWALD WEGUELIN GREENE

PREFACE

Tffls work, as the title-page explains, deals with the harem of the
Turkish Sultans — but not merely with the harem. It deals also with
the Grand SeragHo as a whole. Thus only one palace is concerned,
and only one harem. It is necessary to make this clear, because several
royal palaces existed in Constantinople, and all of them contained
harems. True, the majority of them date from only the nineteenth
century, but the first palace to be built by the Conqueror after his
entry into the city in 1453 was not the Palace, but quite a different one
in another part of the town. It might be thought that if the names of
the palaces were given all difficulties would be overcome, but un-
fortunately the same name was bestowed on both palaces at different
times. The only palace, with its harem, which this work sets itself to
describe is that built by Muhammad II, the Conqueror, on SeragHo
Point between 1459 and 1465.

The exact meaning of the various terms employed in its description
is given in detail in Chapter I. It will be sufficient here to say that the
Itahans, the first Europeans to have dealings with the Turks, found it
necessary to coin a word which would include the whole of the
Royal Palace buildings — the harem, grounds, kiosks, etc. Thus
seraglio was adopted, and the promontory on which it stood, the site
of ancient Byzantium, was known as Seraglio Poiut. The abbre-
viated form serai simply means * palace,' and the modem Turkish
name for the palace which forms the subject of this work is Topkapi
Sarayi, or the SeragHo of the Cannon Gate, although both gate
and cannon have long since disappeared.

My grateful thanks are due to the following: to the Director of
the Topkapi Sarayi Museum, Tahsin Oz, who, besides allowing me to
carry out an extensive and thorough inspection of the SeragHo, gave
me much valuable information while the work was passing through
the press, and personaUy corrected the plan of the SeragHo, adding
matter that it would have been impossible to include otherwise ; to

THE HAREM

my friend Captain H. Burton, of the Norfolk Regiment, for several
introductions in Istanbul; to Dr K. L. Scott, Principal of Robert
College at Istanbul, who very kindly put his valuable library at my
disposal and helped me in several other ways ; to the Director of the
University Library of Istanbul, for allowing me to reproduce the
illustrations facing p. i6o and p. 224 ; to the various departments of
the British Museum, from whom I received every possible help; to
the staff at the Brighton Pubhc Library (strong in works on costume) ;
to my friend Miss Frances Welby, for her great help in translating
some of the more difficult Itahan manuscripts and texts ; to Miss
Heath (Mrs Ahern), who so patiently drew the plan from my
manuscript notes and rough drafts ; and to Miss W. Rawlinson, who
voluntarily undertook the typing of the manuscript.

N. M. P.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I. Introductory

11. Previous Accounts of the Seraglio

III. The History of Seraglio Hill, its Walls and Kiosks

IV. The First Court

V. The Second Court, or Court of the Divan
VI. The Black Eunuchs

VII. The Harem— I
VIII. The Harem— II ---
IX. The Selamlik
X. The Baths
XI. The Third Court
XII. The Fourth Court
Index

PAGE
13

53
82

97
125

152
174
193
203

233
252
261

ILLUSTRATIONS

Muhammad II Frontispiece

The artist is unknown, but the work has been attributed both to Gentile
BeUini and to Constanzo da Ferrara. See Basil Grey, Burlington Magazine,
Ixi (1932), p. 4 et seq.

From a drawing in the collection of the SeragUo Library. Reproduced
by courtesy of the Director of the Topkapi Sarayi Mtizesi.

The Roofs of the Seraguo, showing the Selamlik and

Adjoining Buildings 20

From a photograph by the author.

The Roofs of the Seraglio, showing the Harem Buildings 24

From a photograph by the author.

The Seraglio from the Marmora, showing Part of the
Old Sea-walls, the De^irmen Kapi, and the Small
Mosque 40

The railway passes immediately beyond the walls on the land side. Of
the Seraglio itself, the row of chimneys in the Second Court will be noticed
on the left ; the centre is occupied by the Hall of Campaign, the Baths of
SeUm II, and the Treasury (Nos. 103, 104, and 105 in the plan) ; on the
right is the Kiosk of Abd ul-Mejid (No. 120). Photo E.N. A.

Seraglio Hill from Galata 54

From Grelot's Relation nouvelled'un voyage de Constantinople (Paris, 1680).

Plan of Seraglio Point, from Melling's " Voyage pittoresque

DE Constantinople " 64

From the plan of Fr. Kauffer, based on the surveys of 1776 and 1786,
with additional matter by J.-D. Barbie du Bocage (18 19).

The First Court of the Seraglio 86

From an engraving by A.-I. Melling, Voyage pittoresque de Constantinople
(Paris, 1 819).

The First Court of the Seraglio, showing the Church of

St Irene and the Ortakapi 90

To the right is the row of chimneys, with the water works building
(No. 5 in the plan) on the near side of the wall. To the left is the tall Divan
Tower (No. 22), much higher than the near-by domes and chimneys of
the harem and selamlik. Photo E.N.A.

THE HAREM

PAOX

The Procession on the Feast of Bairam 94

From an engraving by A. -I. Melling, Voyage pittoresque de Constantinople
(Paris, 1819).

The Ortakapi, or Entrance to the Second Court of the

Seraglio 98

Photo E.N.A.

The Hall of the Divan, or Kubbealti, showing the Sultan's

Grilled Window 102

Photo E.N.A.

View from the Head Nurse's Balcony 102

The building below is the harem hospital. From a photograph by
the author.

The Second Court of the Seraguo 106

From an engraving by A.-I. Melling, Voyage pittoresque de Constantinople
(Paris, 1 8 19).

Entrances to the Quarters of the Halberdiers and to those

OF THE Black Eunuchs 112

The door on the right is known as the Carriage Gate [Araba Kapisi)
(No. 30 in the plan). From a photograph by the author.

Mess-room of the Halberdiers, showing the Two Styles of
Lockers and the Brazier in the Centre of the
Room 112

From a photograph by the author.

The Courtyard of the Black Eunuchs 126

Photo E.N.A.

The Kislar Agha, or Chief Black Eunuch 130

From The Costume of Turkey, by W. MUler (London, 1802). The text
is by Octavien Dalvimart.

The Royal Harem 152

From an engraving by A.-I. Melling, Voyage pittoresque de Constantinople
(Paris, 1 8 19).

The Courtyard of the Harem Slaves 156

From a photograph by the author.

ILLUSTRATIONS

PACE

An Accouchement in the Harem i6o

From a manuscript of the Zanan-nameh, by Fazil (Yildiz 2824-73), in
the University Library of Istanbul. By permission of the Director of the

Library.

The Sultan Valid^ 166

From the German translation (Nuremberg, 1572) o£Les quatre premiers
Livres des navigations et peregrinations orientates de Nicolas de Nicolay (Lyon,
1567).

A Kadin in Indoor Costume 170

From The Costume of Turkey, by W. Miller (London, 1802).

The Royal Saloon 178

Photo E.N.A.

The Vestibule of the Fountain 182

Photo E.N.A.
The Kiosk and Courtyard of Osman III 186

The Chamber of Murad III 190

Photo E.N.A.

The Wall Kiosk of Osman III : a View looking up from the

Seraglio Gardens 194

The Dining-room of Ahmed III 196

This view of the dining-room (No. 89 in the plan) shows the floral
wood-panelling and the side entrance to the Royal Saloon (No. 77).
Photo E.N.A.

The Kjosk of Osman III : one of the Smaller Rooms 196

The Kafes, or Cage : the North-western Portion of the

Building 198

From a photograph by the author.

The Corridor " where the Jinn hold their Consultations,"

LEADING TO THE KaFES I98

From a photograph by the author.

The Courtyard of the Cage, showing the Buildings on the

South-eastern Side 200

From a photograph by the author.

THE HAREM

PAGE

The Baths of Eski Kaplija, at Chekirge, near Brusa 206

Photo E.N.A.

The Female Public Baths 212

From d'Ohsson's Tableau giniral de V Empire Othoman (Paris, 1787).

The Women's Bath 224

From a manuscript of the Zanan-nameh, by FazU (Yildiz 2824-73), in the
University Library of Istanbul. By permission of the Director of the
Library.

The Baths of Yeni Kaplija, on the Mudania Road, near

Brusa 230

Photo E.N.A.

The Arzodasi, or Throne Room 234

Photo E.N.A.

The Hall of Campaign 234

This now houses part of the porcelain collection, ^ini Hazinesi. (The
Hall is No. 103 in the plan.) Photo E.N.A.

The Revan Kiosk, adjoining the Pavilion of the Holy

Mantle 252

Photo E.N.A.

The Baghdad Kiosk, from the Terrace of Sultan Ibrahim 254

Photo E.N.A.

The Baghdad Kiosk : a View of the Interior 256

Photo E.N.A.

The Kiosk of Mustafa Pasha, in the Fourth Court 258

Photo E.N.A.

Plan of the Seraglio, with Key 260

From drawings, notes, and photographs made by the author, and
based on the plan in the Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Rehberi.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTORY

It would probably be impossible to think of any Eastern institution
that is more famiHar by name to the whole of the Western world
but less understood in actual fact than the harem. From early child-
hood we have heard of the Turkish harem, and have been told that
it is a place where hundreds of lovely women are kept locked up for
the sole pleasure of a single master. And as we grow up but
little is added to this early information. We perhaps reahze the
difference between wives and concubines, and appreciate their
position in Muhammadan law. We may even discover that very
few Turks ever had more than one wife, and that few could
afford to keep more than a negro cook as maid-of-all-work. But
most of us still imagine that the Sultan is — or, rather, was — a vicious
old reprobate, spending all his time in the harem^ surrounded by
hundreds of semi-naked women, in an atmosphere of heavy per-
fume, cool fountains, soft music, and over-indulgence in every
conceivable kind of vice that the united brains of jealous, sex-
starved women could invent for the pleasure of their lord.

There are perhaps two main reasons why such false ideas have
lingered so long in the Western mind. In the first place, so great has
been the secrecy which has always surrounded the Imperial harem
that first-hand and rehable information was seldom forthcoming.
In the second place, the dividing line between fact and fiction, as far
as the harem was concerned, was very thin and ill defmed. After all, it
had only been popularized in Western Europe early in the eighteenth
century, when Antoine Galland first pubHshed the Arabian Nights, and
the pubhc were much too intrigued by the novelty and fascination
of the tales themselves to entertain any desire to question the mise en
scene or seek to dissipate the clouds of romance and hyperbole that
hung so heavily over this newly discovered creation of the Orient.

The vague, and sometimes conflicting, descriptions of travellers
that followed, the meagre accounts of Enghsh governesses and

THE HAREM

companions, the letters and diaries of ambassadors' wives or secre-
taries, were the sole sources of information. But even so the number
of the inteUigent reading public was small, while many of the more
important first-hand accounts still remained in manuscript, and had
long since found their resting-place amid a host of dusty archives or
on the shelves of some State hbrary uncatalogued and forgotten.
Thus all kinds of misunderstandings, exaggerations, distortions, and
occasionally deHberate fabrications, have merely tended to add con-
fusion to the indifferent and scanty accounts of the harem already
existing.

It is not only in the more intimate details of Court etiquette that
misconceptions have occurred, but even in generalities, the apprecia-
tion of which is absolutely necessary to the understanding of the
whole harem system. For instance, it is still quite widely beheved that
harem rule was coeval with the great days of the Ottoman Empire —
with the first Murad, Bayezid, Muhammad, Selim, and Suleiman the
Magnificent — whereas in reahty the harem must not be connected
with the Ottoman power at its height, but should be looked upon as ■
the beginning of its decline and fall. To the early rulers of Turkey
the harem was unknown ; it was unwanted. They were much too
busy overcoming their numerous foes and establishing an empire to
find time to indulge the appetite for a sensual life that only follows
in the wake of security, well-filled treasuries, and abundance of
leisure. Yet it must not be imagined that the harem system was solely -
responsible for the ultimate fall of the Ottoman Empire. It was not
the system that was wrong, it was thqse^ in charge of it. So far from
being a palace of women lazing about marble halls awaiting their
master's pleasure, the harem was a little world of its own, governed
with the utmost deliberation and care, not by a man at all, but by a
woman. Every member of it had her exact duties to perform, and
was forced to comply with all the rules and regulations that in many
respects were as strict and rigid as in a convent.

No one knew the etiquette of the harem more than the Sultan, and
once it was respected all would be well. Even if that great lady the
Sultan's mother and the Grand Vizir were placated he still had the
janissaries to reckon with. A Sultan could go so far, but no farther :
deposition was certain and death probable.

INTRODUCTORY

And yet it is hard to lay all the blame on a man who may have
spent his whole Hfe locked up in a room in the Palace, suddenly to
find himself set firee and hailed as Sultan. No wonder excesses often
followed, with dire results to all concerned. A chain is only as strong
as its weakest link. A nation born and bred in slavery and dependent
on slavery for its very existence is safe only so long as the machine
runs smoothly, but as soon as a single cog ceases to function the
whole mechanism may be affected. At the same time the machine
may be well worth a close inspection, and here and there we may
come across a part that will hold our interest, and perhaps even
teach us something as well.

For instance, the enormous activities of the Palace seem to have
almost entirely escaped general notice, and while idle curiosity has
always centred on the harem, the fact that the Palace contained a
great military School of State, over a dozen mosques, ten double
kitchens, two bakeries, a flour-mill, two hospitals, and various kinds
of baths, storerooms, sports fields, etc., is almost wholly ignored.

It is impossible to understand the harem unless we consider it
merely as a single unit in a large and highly compHcated system.

As the work proceeds the harem will appear in its right perspective ;
it will no longer be a vague term used as synonymous with SeragUo,
but will be clearly defmed as regards its scope, and described as fully
as possible with the aid of a detailed plan and occasional photographs.
And here it is necessary to be quite clear as to the real meaning of
words such as harem and seraglio. Let us take harem first. The word
is borrowed from the Arabic hardm, and means * that which is unlaw-
ful,' as opposed to haldl, * that which is lawful.' Thus the whole
region for a certain distance round Mecca and Medina is hardm —
that is to say that certain things allowed elsewhere are not permitted
there. Consequently, owing to the sacredness of those holy places,
the word also signified * holy,' ' protected,' ' sacred,' ' inviolate,' and
lastly * forbidden.' In its secular apphcation the word was used in
reference to that portion of a Mushm house occupied by the women,
because it was their hardm, or sanctuary. The Turks softened the
word into harem, and added to it the termination lik. Thus the
correct Turkish word for the woman's part of the house is haremlik.
The suffix when added to substantives denotes place, and the * place

THE HAREM

of sanctuary ' exactly expresses that portion of the house allotted to
the wife, her children and servants.

The abbreviated form harem is more correctly apphed to the
personnel of the haremlik, although the shorter form is now almost
universally adopted with all its various meanings. But in the case
of the word selamlik, which signifies the domain of the husband, no
change has occurred. This could not well be otherwise, as seldm
simply means ' greeting ' or ' salutation,' and the one place in the
house where guests could be received was naturally the selamlik.

Relations with European Powers soon gave rise to the coining of
a word that would embrace not only the haremlik and the selamlik,
but the entire Royal buildings as a whole. By a curious Itahan
adaptation of a Persian word the term seraglio was introduced, and
came to be generally accepted by both Europeans and Turks. Its
etymological history is interesting, and helps to explain its exact
meaning. The modem seraglio is directly derived from the Itahan
serraglio, ' a cage for wild animals ' (Latin sera, ' a bar,' with aculum
added as suffix), and was adopted owing to its chance similarity with
the Persian words sara and sarat, which originally simply meant ' a
building,' and particularly * a palace,' and which are familiar to us in
the word * caravanserai ' (Persian karwdnsarai), 'a (halting) place for
camels,' and so ' an inn for travellers.' In its proper sense of ' a build-
ing' or 'a palace' sardt wsiS largely used by the Tatars, from whom it
was borrowed by the Russians, who degraded it to mean merely ' a
shed.' But in the language of the Levantine Franks it became serail
and serraglio. It was at this point that a mistaken * striving after
meaning ' with the Italian serrato, ' shut up,' etc., connected it with the
private apartments of women. But as the old idea of * palace ' was
still recognized in both serail and seraglio (spelled now with one *r')
they were universally adopted to mean the entire Royal Palace on
the hill of the ancient Byzantine acropohs. In fact, the peninsula
itself became known as Seraglio Point, and is still so called
to-day.

The adoption in recent years of the Western alphabet and phonetic
spelling has caused many curious-looking words to appear, and it is
with difficulty that some of them can be recognized at all. The
tourist of to-day on getting into a taxi in Pera and wishing to go to

INTRODUCTORY

the Seraglio should ask for the Topkapi Sarayi, and he will at once
be understood. As mentioned in the Preface, the meaning of the
phrase is ' the Palace of the Cannon Gate,' and refers to an old gate
that once stood at the very tip of Seraglio Point, and which was
protected by several pieces of cannon now in the arms museum in
the ancient church of St Irene. The 1933 Turkish guide-book to
the Seraglio calls itself Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Rehberi {Guide to the
Museum of the Cannon Gate Palace).^ But in spite of this the terms
seraglio and the abbreviated serail or serai are in general use, especially
among foreigners.

Yet the visitor may be perplexed when the hotel guide asks him if
he has yet visited the Old Serai, or Vieux ^er^i', especially if he already
knows that the Old Serai, or Eski Serai, was pulled dov^oi long ago
and the site first occupied by the Seraskerat, or War Office, erected
in 1870, and then, since 1924, by the University.

But the reference is really to the Seraglio. The explanation is as
follows : after Muhammad II had taken Constantinople he built a
palace on the Third Hill in 1454, and when between 1459 and 1465
the larger palace on the First Hill superseded it the former was known
as Eski Serai, or Old Serai, while the latter was called Yeni Serai, or
New Serai. Among European writers, however, it was usually
referred to as the Grand Seragho.

Now when the Yeni Serai was abandoned in 1853 it imme-
diately was called the Old Palace by Europeans. The Turks, however,
preferred to call it the Top Capu (now spelled Topkapi) Sarayi.

Even so that is not all, because in 1709 Ahmed III had started
building a summer palace near the Marmora on Seragho Point.
This palace was also known to the Turks as Top Capu Sarayi, but
to us merely as the Summer Palace. It was totally destroyed in
1862-63. It will thus be seen that there is plenty of justification for
the visitor to be confused by the redundance of names. I fmd it
clearest to refer to the 1454 palace as the Old Serai or Old Seragho,
that which forms the subject of the present work as the Grand
Seragho, or simply the Seragho, and the 1709 one as the Summer
Palace. In this way, I think, everything will be clear.

Having now looked at the true meanings of harem, seldmlik, and

' Istanbul.
B 17

THE HAREM

seraglio, we can appreciate the fact that, whereas the former two must
be used only to refer to the apartments of the women and the men
respectively, the term seraglio can be very conveniently employed
for the entire Palace and all its buildings.

As is well known, among all Eastern nations the gate was most
important both architecturally and pohtically, whether it was the
gate of the city wall, the gate of the palace, or the gate of a private
dwelling. We have just noticed that the SeragHo itself is known by
the name of a gate ; the seat of Ottoman Government was named
after a gate — the Bab-i-Humayun, or Subhme Porte. So also the
divisions of any large building were regulated by its gates. I shall
have a good deal to say about gates later ; here I am merely anxious
to stress the importance of gates not only in the understanding of the
plan of the Seragho, but in giving their name to the court into which
they lead, and in some cases to the buildings surrounding or in the
vicinity of that court.

Thus in the case of the Seragho, although the haremlik and the
selamlik were the two main divisions of the buildings which formed
the private apartments of the Royal household, there were other
buildings beyond the famous Gate of Fehcity, or Bah-i-Sa adet as it
was called. Hence all that unknown part of the SeragHo beyond
that gate was known as the House of Fehcity.

As we shall see in a later chapter, the semi-public First Court was
bounded on its inner side by a thick wall pierced by a gate known as
the Ortakapi, past which admittance was Hmited to those seeking
audience at the Divan. Only the Sultan was allowed to proceed past
this gate on horseback. From the Second Court access was gained
to the House of Fehcity only through the Gate of Fehcity, and only
members of the Sultan's own household were allowed entrance.

With these few details we are in a much better position to under-
stand the early descriptions of the SeragHo that have come down to
us, and from what direction attempts to view the Palace were made,
and how far the would-be sightseers got.

During the whole period over which the SeragHo continued to
be the Royal residence the number of people who claim with good
justification to have seen any part of it past the Gate of Fehcity can
be counted on the fmgers of one hand. Even if we include men

INTRODUCTORY

who at one time were actually employed in the Inside Service of
the SeragUo itself, the total still remains under a dozen.

In considering these early accounts we must differentiate between
these two groups. But even when we have read what ex-pages of
the Seragho have to tell us we reaUze more than before how segre-
gated the various units of the Palace system were, and how any
information about the harem was still trivial and unrehable, if, indeed,
any was forthcoming at all. Thus the first three accounts, those by
Angiolello (1470-81), Bassano da Zara {c. 1530-40), and Menavino
(c. 1545), deal almost entirely with the Palace School. Bassano da
Zara, however, discourses on the general manners and customs of the
Turks as well, and I shall have occasion to refer to his work again.

The first defmite account we have of the harem is contained in a
description of Constantinople by one Domenico Hierosolimitano,
entitled Relatione della gran citta di Costantinopoli ' {sic), a manuscript
which we shall consider in due course. The author occupied the
unique post of physician at the Court of Murad III (1574-95), and
this alone could account for knowledge of the quarters of the harem
shown in his writings. But so secret and jealously guarded was the
harem and all that happened inside it that nothing of any consequence
whatever was definitely known (let alone seen) until after the de-
position of Abd ul-Hamid II in 1909. And even since that date
the number of people who have visited any of the closed rooms is a
mere handful. As these early accounts have a distinct historical
value I shall devote the next chapter to a more detailed discussion of
them. True, after 1853, when Abd ul-Mejid had changed his resi-
dence to the more airy shores of the Bosphorus, certain ' showrooms '
were open to privileged foreigners, but the harem still remained the
place of mystery it ever was.

In 161 5 the well-known traveller Pietro della Valle had told his
readers that nothing could be learned about what existed beyond the
Gate of FeHcity. And as recently as 1926 we find such an authority
as Sir George Young telling us the same thing, only in an even more
emphatic way. " Up till now," he says,

the Seraglio Hareem and the Hirkai Sherif Odassi [Chamber of the
Holy Mantle] remain two of the very few places on earth that no

' 1611.

THE HAREM

Anglo-Saxon or American foot has as yet trod. As the Pole used to
be for explorers — as Everest still is for mountaineers — so have the
Sultan's Hareem and the Hirkai Sherif been for tourists.^

The secret of the harem w^as well kept, and even in recent years
when Yildiz housed 370 women and 127 eunuchs in the service of
Abd ul-Hamid II nothing was really known until after the fall of
the Sultan.

It was here that the end of the harem came, for, although the deposed
Sultan was allowed to take a few favourites into exile at Salonica,
the harem system defmitely ended in 1909. There are many accounts
of its dispersal and the first and last pubHc appearance of the women.
Perhaps the best version is that given by Francis McCullagh :

One of the most mournful processions of the many mournful pro-
cessions of fallen grandeur that passed through the streets during these
days was one composed of the ladies from the ex-Sultan's Harem on
their way from Yildiz to the Top-Kapu Palace [the SeragHo]. These
unfortunate ladies were of all ages between fifteen and fifty and so
numerous that it took thirty-one carriages to convey them and their
attendants. Some of them were sent to the Old Seragho in Stamboul,
but this old palace of the early Sultans had fallen into such a state of
disrepair that it was found to be unsuitable for them and they were
sent back again to Yildiz. Finally they were all collected in the Top-
Kapu Palace in connection with one of the strangest ceremonies that
ever took place even there. It is well known that most of the ladies in
the harems of the Turkish Sultans were Circassians, the Circassian girls
being very much esteemed on account of their beauty and being conse-
quendy very expensive. As Abd-ul-Hamid's Seragho was no excep-
tion to this general rule, the Turkish Government telegraphed to the
different Circassian villages in Anatoha, notifj'^ing them that every
family which happened to have any of its female members in the ex-
Sultan's Harem was at hberty to take them home, no matter whether
the girls had been originally sold by their parents or had (as was the
case in some instances) been torn from their homes by force.

In consequence of this, a large number of Circassian mountaineers
came in their picturesque garb into Constantinople, and on a certain
fixed day they were conducted in a body to the Old Palace of Top-
Kapu, where, in the presence of a Turkish Commission, they were
ushered into a long hall filled with the ex-Sultan's concubines, cadines
and odaHsques, all of whom were then allowed to unveil themselves for

' Constantinople (London), pp. 160-161.
20

INTRODUCTORY

the occasion. The scene that followed was very touching. Daughters
fell into the arms of their fathers whom they had not seen for years.
Sisters embraced brothers or cousins, and in some instances relatives
met who had never met before, and were only able to estabhsh their
relationship by means of long and mutual explanations.

The contrast between the dehcate complexions and costly attire of
the women and the rough, weather-beaten appearance of the ill-clad
mountaineers who had come to fetch them home was not the least
striking feature of the extraordinary scene ; and in some instances the
poor relatives were quite dazzled by the beautiful faces, the graceful
manners, and the rich apparel of their kinswomen. The latter seemed
all very glad, however, to get away; and as a rule they lost no time
in packing their trunks and departing, sometimes after a very affec-
tionate leave-taking of the other odahsques. The number of female
slaves thus hberated was two hundred and thirteen.

Clad in Circassian peasant dress, they are nov/ in all probabihty milk-
ing cows and doing farm work in Anatoha. . . . This joyful reunion
in the Top-Kapu Palace had its sad side, however, as more than one
of the men did not find the face he sought. Some of the girls had died,
some had been put to death by Abd-ul-Hamid, and others of them,
after Abd-ul-Hamid's fall, had been brought with him to Salonica by
the ex-Sultan or quietly drafted into the harems of imperial princes
who had taken a fancy to them. Moreover a good many of the women,
especially those who had already passed their first youth, were dis-
heartened to learn that nobody came to fetch them. Apparendy their
relatives had died or migrated, or did not rehsh the prospect of bring-
ing back into their miserable mountain huts women no longer young,
who had contracted expensive tastes and forgotten the language of their
childhood. . . . These unfortunate ladies will probably pine away the
rest of their hves in company with the other ladies — remnants of the
Harems of the past Sultans — who fill the Top-Kapu Palace and who,
in the best manner of the Arabian Nights, sigh audibly at the barred and
latticed windows and have on one or two occasions dropped roses and
perfumed handkerchiefs before good-looking youths passing in the
street below. ^

Sic transit . , . And so passed the harem.

As soon as the few remaining women had been allotted other
residences in the town the treasures in the Seraglio were arranged as
a museum, and after long preparation it was open for inspection to
a selected few. Then gradually other rooms were throwm. open, and

* The Fall of Abd-ul-Hamid (London, 1910), pp. 276-278.
21

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the public were finally allowed to inspect them on payment of a
small entrance fee.

Thus in the autumn of 1924 the chief local guide-book afforded
the following information :

At the moment one may visit :

The Bagdad Kieuschk.

The Moustapha Pacha Kieuschk.

The Terrace of the Abdul Medjid Pavihon.

The Museum of Porcelaines.

The Reception Room or Arz Odassi.

During the next ten years more and more rooms were opened,
until in 1933 it was possible to pubhsh an official guide-book and lay
down exactly what rooms were open and what closed. This was
most necessary, as previously no fixed rule appeared to exist by which
a tourist was able to discover what portions of the SeragHo he could
see and what portions he could not see. He was merely passed on
from one official to another by means of beckoning and pointing.
And although this method of direction still obtains to a certain
degree, signboards and notices are put up everywhere.

The guide-book, unfortunately, was only pubHshed in modem
Turkish, but the Director informed me that by the end of 1936 he
hoped to have an edition in French or EngHsh. At the end of the
guide is an excellent map showing clearly the exact itinerary to be
followed, while a list of the rooms and courtyards is attached. This
list is arranged in two columns. That to the left includes all places
open to the public {Gezilen Verier) — forty-two in all — while in the
right-hand column are those which are closed [Gezilmiyen Verier) —
only thirty-eight in number. Thus at first sight it would appear that
the visitor is free to inspect more than half the SeragHo. A closer
inspection of the list, however, will reveal the fact that this is not the
case, for in the Gezilen list several rooms of a single suite are num-
bered separately, while m the Gezilmiyen Hst they are not. Then,
again, there are many places on the map left entirely blank, with-
out any numbers at all. These would swell the ' taboo ' list quite
considerably.

At the same time the intelligent visitor can get a good idea of the

INTRODUCTORY

main features of the Palace, and, quite apart from the glories of the
Treasury, can obtain first-hand information on the interior decora-
tion of the Turkish, Syrian, Arabic, and Persian schools. But unless
he has studied the history of the Seragho he will go away little wiser
than he came, seeing only a jumble of rather tawdry little rooms, not
to be compared in size or splendour with others he has seen in palaces
in nearly every other part of Europe or the Near East. It is he who
will be the loser, for no more interesting or grimly romantic spot
exists in the world to-day. It. is in the attempt to supply such neces-
sary information, in however small and inadequate a way, that the
present work has been written.

Every author writing on Constantinople has endeavoured, some
more successfully than others, to give a general impression of the
Seraglio as a whole. But excellent as the descriptions may be they
can never convey to the reader as much as really good modern photo-
graphs. There has always been the greatest difficulty in obtaining
photographs, and in the 1933 guide-book it is very defmitely stated
more than once that no cameras are allowed past the entrance gate,
and no photographs whatever may be taken.

Certain parts of the Palace and most of the exhibits in the Museum
have been reproduced for pubHc sale by the official photographer,
but even he is allowed very Httle scope, and his activities are restricted
by the immutable decisions of the Museum authorities. It is impos-
sible to obtain a view of the whole Palace unless you mount the
Divan Tower and climb out through the topmost windows to a
perilous perch on the parapet. But the results more than compensate
for the trouble involved, and the view of the harem roofs is really
most extraordinary, as I trust my readers will agree from an inspec-
tion of the photographs themselves (see the plates facing pp. 20
and 24).

I am fully aware that I am not the first person to pubUsh a picture
of the roofs, but all previous photographs have been taken in one
direction only, and so no idea of the harem in its relation to the
seldmlik has been obtained. It is one thing to photograph the roofs,
and quite another thing to identify what rooms the forest of chimneys
and domes surmounts. A thorough knowledge of the Palace is
necessary for this, so I make no excuse for describing the pictures in

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detail. For the sake of future reference or comparison, I may
mention that I took these photographs on September 28, 1934. The
photograph reproduced opposite p. 20 gives us a view of the Palace
buildings that stretch out along the apex of SeragHo Hill towards the
Bosphorus. They include practically the whole of the selamlik and
the quarters to the left of the Hall of the Divan. Low down in the
middle foreground is the roof of the canopy in the courtyard of the
black eunuchs. To the left are the windows and roof of the Princes'
School (No. 36 in the plan at the end of the book), and in the
extreme bottom left-hand comer we can see the beginning of the
roof of the black eunuchs' dormitories (No. 35 in the plan).

In the centre foreground are the apartments of the harem Treasurer
and Chamberlain (Nos. 38 and 39), while to the right are the cupolas
of the Inner Treasury, now the Arms Museum (No. 26). In the very
middle and a little to the left are (respectively) the low and high
cupolas of the Chief Black Eunuch's suite (No. 37). Beyond the
wall to the right is the mosque of the Palace School, now the
Library (No. 98); while stretching away in the distance to a point
where Marmora and Bosphorus meet we can just identify, among
other buildings, the Hall of the Royal Bedchamber (No. iii), the
PaviHon of the Holy Mantle (No. no), the Hall of Circumcision
(No. 94), the suite of the Princes, known as the Cage (No. 90), and,
fmally, the Revan and Baghdad Kiosks (Nos. 113 and 114).

Reference to the plan at the end of the book will greatly facihtate
the identification of the various buildings.

The photograph reproduced opposite was taken more to the west,
looking towards the Golden Horn, and shows us the whole of the
harem and that part of the selamlik not included in the first picture. In
the bottom right-hand comer is a portion of the parapet from which
the photograph was taken. To its immediate left, and occupying
all the foreground, are the roofs of the black eunuchs' dormitories.
To the left is a tall octagonal tower, below to the right and left
of which can be seen the roofs of the arcade surrounding the
courtyard of the harem girls (No. 44). Farther to the left, continu-
ing towards the trees, are the covered passages to the girls' hospital
and gardens (No. 56), and the suite of the Head Nurse of the harem
(No. 54).

INTRODUCTORY

Continuing along the outer wall, we notice the suites of the Sultan
VaHde, mother of the reigning Sultan (Nos. 65-68), and SeUm III
(No. 83), with a pointed cupola. Farther still can be seen the wall
kiosk of Osman III (No. 85). The three square chimney-stacks sur-
mount fireplaces in the rooms of the Sultan VaHde nearest the court-
yard, while the dome to the left covers her dining-room (No. 67).

The turret to the right with the black top belongs to the Princes*
School, and, fmally, the large dome and the one behind it are
respectively the Throne Room of the harem (No. 77) and the bed-
room of Murad III (No. 87).

And here I may be allowed to say, without any boastful intent,
that at this moment of writing I know of no person whatever who
has seen more of the Seraglio than I have myself. The point is of
more interest than it may appear. The student of Oriental history
or sociology may go to Istanbul armed with letters to the Director
of Pubhc Works, the Curator of the Museum, and so on, and after
much palaver and patience be specially conducted over those parts
of the Seraglio not shown to the general public. After hours of
inspecting rooms, passages, courtyards, kitchens, etc., he will be
politely told that he has seen everything. And who is he to say them
nay? By this time his mind has become so bewildered by the
labyrinthine nature of the place that as far as he can judge he has seen
everything. It is not that the authorities have anything to hide or
any wish to deceive, but there are many parts of the Seragho that,
for one reason or another, are not in a fit state to be shown to visitors.
And when the authorities say they have shown you everything they
mean everything that is in a fit state to be shown, or that, as far as
they can judge, could be of any possible interest to you.

Each time I went to the Seraglio I discovered some part I had not
seen before. Sometimes it was a connecting corridor that had been
passed previously as of no interest ; on other occasions it was a small
room to which the key had not been found on former visits. Once
I came upon a flight of steps of the existence of which I had had no
idea. Then, again, my persistence led me one day to a part of the
girls' hospital that my guide himself had never seen before, and in
front of one doorway the cobwebs were over three feet high, and
so thick that we had to get two long sticks to remove them before

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it was possible to enter. I merely mention all this to show how
intricate and misleading the place is, and how difficult it is to attempt
to make a plan of such a conglomeration of buildings of all shapes
and sizes, erected in different styles at different times, and, worst of
all, on different levels.

Even now I am convinced that there are still parts of the Seragho
that I have not seen : some because the condition of the floor is so
bad that it is impossible to proceed with any degree of safety ; some
because they are so full of rubbish, packing-cases, disused candelabra,
etc., that entrance is out of the question ; and still others which are
in constant use by the resident staff, or which for one reason or another
I never properly saw. I feel, however, that (with the one exception
of the Chamber of the Holy Relics) those portions of the SeragHo
that I have not inspected are of httle consequence, and a full know-
ledge of them would hardly affect the plan I have been at such pains
to draw as correctly as possible.

CHAPTER II

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

As already mentioned, the earliest accounts of the Seraglio deal
almost exclusively with the Palace School, while other sixteenth-
century writers, such as Cantacusino, Giovio, Junis Bey, Ramberti,
Postel, Chesneau, Busbecq, Garzoni, Sanderson, and Morosini,^ limit
themselves to a description of the Ottoman manners and customs,
rehgion and government, and refer but briefly to the SeragHo, saying
how impossible it is to discover anything about it. There may,
however, be a few exceptions to this general rule, but the only
sixteenth-century writer who may possibly have seen quite a con-
siderable amount of the Seraglio is the French traveller Nicolas de
Nicolay (1517-83).

Nicolas de Nicolay (15 51)

Nicolay accompanied Gabriel d'Aramon in his embassy to Con-
stantinople in 1551. He went for the express purpose of making
drawings of costumes, and to him we owe the first important collec-
tion on the subject, pubHshed in his Quatre premiers Livres des naviga-
tions et peregrinations orientates.^ He must have had certain advantages
by his attachment to the embassy, and, as he tells us himself, made
friends with a eunuch who helped him in his work. Although much
of his information on the government of the Empire was derived
from Menavino he was a keen and careful observer, as his particular
hobby necessitated, and he may well have seen that part of the
seldmlik which he so quaintly describes. I shall have occasion to
return to him when discussing costumes in a later chapter.

In chapter xviii he writes as follows :

. . . this Sarail is inclosed with strong & high walles, being in circuit
about two miles, in the midst wherof upon a Uttle hil is to be seen a

' For all of these writers see A. H. Lybyer, Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time
of Suleiman the Magnificent (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1913), pp. 307-322.
2 Lyon, 1567. Some copies of the first edition are dated 1568.

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faire & delectable garden, which beginning on the middest of the
mount discendeth towards the Sea: there are diuers httle houses &
dwelling places, with a gallery, standing vpon columnes after the forme
of a monasterie, round about the whiche are about 200. chambers, &
therabout the great Turk dwelleth for the most part of the sommer,
for that it is a place, both high, of a fresh aire, & abounding of good
waters : in times past these inhabitations haue bin of the dependences
of S. Sophie, but Baiazet the 2. caused them to be deuided : and in the
midst therof caused a principal house, to be builded, within the which
in the lower chambers to eschew the Northeast wind ... he dwelleth
all the winter. A Htle more below, was another smal habitation, al
made of very cleare glasse, ioyned & tyed together with roddes of Tin
in forme of a rounde Hemisphere, vnder which by wonderful artifice
passed a faire & cleare fountain, which sweetly discending by the same
Hemisphere, spreadeth ouer the whole garden. In this place Baiazet in
sommer often went to refresh himself: & pas his sleep ouer with the
sweet noice of the waters : but now the most part thereof being ruined,
the water hath taken his course towards other places. Within this com-
passe is as yet [read ' further ' ( ?) ; the French merely has encores] the
Sarail of Sultana, wife to the great Turke, garnished with bathes most
magnificque [sic], 8c nere vnto the same a place for yong children,
which are pages, being notwithstanding estemed as slaues, are there
nourished, instructed, & exercised aswell in their rehgion, as to ryde
horses, to shoote, & doe all other warlyke exercises, euen from their age
of eight, niene, or ten yeeres, vnto twentie, the ordinarie number of
these children being commonly about fiue or sixe hundred."

Although this corresponds closely w^ith the earlier (1548) account
of Menavino there is a certain amount of additional information
included, which Nicolay derived doubtless from talks with his
friend the eunuch, or possibly from personal inspection of parts of
the seldmlik.

The portion of the Seraglio described corresponds to the area to
be occupied in later years by the Revan and Baghdad Kiosks, the
Pavilion of the Holy Mantle, and the Privy Stables — i.e., Nos. 113,
114, no, and 20. The " Sarail of Sultana " and the Palace School
may be taken as corresponding roughly to the harem as shown in
our plan, and adjacent portions of the Third Court and black eunuchs'
quarters.

In the seventeenth century several travellers, such as Peter Mundy,

» P. 51 and verso of die English translation of 1585 (pp. 65-66 of the 1567 edition).

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

got into the Second Court, but no farther; while others, such as
Sandys, Grimstone, Gainsford, della Valle, Tavernier, Thevenot,
Grelot, and Chardin, fared no better. Some of the Venetian Bailos'
reports may contain valuable material, but I confess not to have
studied in any detail the eighty odd volumes already pubhshed. I
have but little doubt, however, that the best of them all is that of
Ottaviano Bon, to whom we shall soon return. I can therefore add
no new names of claimants to those already given by Dr Bamette
Miller.

DOMENICO HiEROSOLIMITANO (c. I580-90)

We now turn to an Itahan physician, who was employed in the
Palace during the reign of Murad III (1574-95). According to his
own account he was one of seven physicians who attended on the
Sultan, and ranked third in order of seniority. From him we get
the first known account of some of the rooms of the harem, par-
ticularly of the Golden Road (No. 75 in the plan). Owing to his
unique advantages he was in a position to visit parts of the harem
to which access was only allowed to certain of the black eunuchs
and the doctors. It was a long time before any further description
was forthcoming, and claimants had to content themselves with the
inspection of parts of the seldmlik and gardens.

Apart from the little that Hierosohmitano tells us of himself
nothing seems to be known about him. His account is unpubhshed,
and is to be found in the Manuscript Room of the British Museum.*
Its abbreviated title, to which I have already referred, is Relatione
della gran cittd di Costantinopoli. In addition to the description of the
Seragho some account of the general topography is given, together
with notes on the chief mosques, palaces, fountains, markets, hos-
pitals, etc.

From the above-mentioned piazza one enters a narrow corridor which
leads to another court with a garden of various flowers ; here on one
side are the rooms of the Grand Turk, and when the women wait upon
him they pass through high corridors by means of a key to the door
which he reserves for himself alone, or his Chief Eunuch.^

« Harl. MSS., 3408, ff. 83-141.

* This extract and the two which follow are taken from Harl. MSS., 3408, ff. 101&-
1036.

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After referring to the rooms set apart for the mutes and dwarfs
he continues:

On the side where the women are in attendance there are forty-four
separate courts with conveniences of baths and fountains in each, so
that one does not look into the other, but he [the Sultan] has access by
a secret corridor by means of which each can be entered without the
others being any the wiser. Communicating with the women's rooms
are the suites where the Grand Turk's children — that is to say, die
males — are brought up; for the women remain with their mothers,
and the boys on arriving at the age of six are taken from their mothers
and placed in other rooms allotted to them with the masters who teach
them. The aforesaid rooms of the Grand Turk stretch from the side of
the men's suites to that of the women's apartments — that is to say, the
40 [44 ( ?)] suites, each with its hall, chamber and conveniences of baths,
fountains, gardens and aviaries, [built] with surprising cunning and
ornamented with panels of painted flowers, but not figures, and hung
with divers lovely brocades, with carpets on the floors and brocaded
mattresses and cushions — the bedsteads all of ivory inlaid with aloes
and sandal-wood and large pieces of coral, of which one was sent to
Amurat from Hiemen [Hiamen, Amoy, in China ( ?)] which cost more
than 90 thousand scudi.

After describing a secret treasury — of which no trace or record
exists to-day — built under both the men's and the women's suites
of rooms he proceeds to give an account of the seldmlik gardens and
the kiosk which stood apparently somewhere very near the site to
be occupied later by the Baghdad Kiosk.

Leaving this place, one enters gardens full of perfumes extending
to another wall a mile and a half in circumference, and then, passing
this other wall, they reach the garden rooms which are situated be-
tween the wall of the aforesaid garden and the other one, which is the
sea-wall. And in the middle of this garden are many well-designed
rooms, but one in particular of six facades surmounting six large
columns, and between the colunms are slabs of rock crystal so cun-
ningly inlaid the one v^th the other that as one looks on them they
appear to be a single whole, and above is a cupola with a lantern
covered with lead, gilded, and damascened. But the lantern has pillars
of carved rock crystal, and the top is made of pieces of coral wonder-
fully put together one piece with another. It shines in the splendour
of the sun, dazzling the sight, and owing to the altitude of the building
one can see from the rooms every detail of the entire garden from side

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

to side. And in a third part of the same garden at the back of the
women's lodgings is the treasury of the armoury, with horse trappings
all set in gems, and there is another just hke it behind the rooms where
the pages are trained, as already mentioned.

The rest of the account of the Seraglio is taken up with a brief
description of the Hbraries, the dispensary, the mosques, the table
and food of the Sultan, the kitchens, and the stables. After this
Hierosolimitano describes other parts of the city, especially the
arsenal, with its personnel, the town mint, and various parts of Pera.
The entire manuscript, however, is well worth pubHshing, and is
comparatively easy to read.

The first Christian to describe any part of the Seraglio from per-
sonal knowledge, apart from those actually employed in the Palace,
was an English organ-builder named Thomas Dallam, and to his
account I now turn.

Thomas Dallam (1599)

In order to explain how it happened that such a man found his
way into the Seraglio it will be necessary to refer very briefly to
what was taking place at Constantinople at the time with regard to
intercourse with foreigners. As early as the eleventh century the
Venetians and Genoese had obtained trading rights (known later as
' capitulations ') from the Greek Empire, and after the capture of
Constantinople by the Turks followed the Byzantine custom by
renewing them.^ In 1535 they were granted to the French by Sulei-
man, and the English soon began to obtain similar advantages with
the founding of the Levant Company. In 1580 William Harbome,
who was to be first EngHsh Ambassador to the Porte, obtained such
rights for England, and as a result received a commission from
Elizabeth, and was sent out again as a representative of the company,
which had been officially foimded in 1581.

Harbome did his work well, but the expenses of the company
were heavy and competition was keen. Although the fmancial help

' See Nasim Sousa, The Capitulatory Regime of Turkey (John Hopkins University, 1933),
and A. C. Wood, History of the Levant Company (Oxford, 1935), pp. 8-9.

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afforded by Elizabeth left much to be desired she fully realized that
the Sultan was a possible ally against Spain, and gave Harbome a
pretty free hand in organizing the trade of the new company. After
various setbacks a new charter was obtained in 1592, and the affairs
of the company prospered. In 1588 Edward Barton had been left
as agent by Harborne, and succeeded as Ambassador about 1591.

Four years later the Sultan, Murad III, died, and with the accession
of Muhammad III it became necessary for the company to renew
the capitulations, which meant letters of congratulation and hand-
some presents from the Queen of England. The former, with
Burghley's assistance, were forthcoming, but the latter had to be
supphed by the company. This fact was naturally kept a dead
secret, and the gifts were offered as from Ehzabeth, and nobody was
any the wiser. ^ There was, however, a long delay, and they were
not dispatched until 1599. By this time Barton had died, and it was
his secretary, Henry Lello, who actually presented the gifts.

Chief among them was the elaborate organ that had been especially
built by Thomas Dallam. Owing to its highly technical and com-
plicated construction Dallam was sent out with it in order to erect
it on arrival and make sure it was in perfect working order.

From this man, then, we have the first account by an outsider,
meagre and not very intelHgent though it may be, of the Seraglio.

After a voyage lasting nearly seven months Dallam arrived at
Constantinople in the middle of August 1599, and when prehminary
visits to the ship by the Sultan and his mother were over he was told
to set up his instrument in the Seraglio. The job was a long one,
and Dallam visited the Palace every day for a month. In view of
the opportunities he must have had for a fairly comprehensive
inspection of the seldmlik the account is disappoiuting, but certain
portions of it are well worth reproducing :

The nth. Daye, beinge Tuesdaye, we Carried our instramente over
the water to the Grand Sinyors Courte, Called the surralya, and thare
in his moste stadyeste house I began to sett it up. ... At everie gate
of the surraHa thare alwayes sitethe a stoute Turke, abute the calinge
or degre of a justis of the peace, who is caled a chia [kapici, gatekeeper] ;
not withstandinge, the gates ar faste shut, for thare pasethe none in or

' See H. G. Roscdale, Queen Elizabeth and the Levant Company (London, 1904).

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

oute at ther owne pleasures. . . . The waye from the firste gate to the
seconde wale is som thinge risinge up a hill, betwyxte wales aboute a
quarter of a myle and better. The gats of the second wale was also
shutt. . . . These gates ar made all of massie iron; tow men, whom they
do cale jemeglans [ajem-oghlans, untrained youths, apprentice janis-
saries], did open them. Wythein the firste wales ar no housis but one,
and that is the bustanjebasha [Bostanji-bashi, Head Gardener] his house,
who is captaine of a thousande jemeglanes, which doo no thinge but
kepe the garthens in good order ; and I am perswaded that thare is none
so well kepte in the worlde. Within the seconde wales tharis no
gardens, but statly buildinges ; many courtes paved with marble and
suche lyke stone. Everie ode [oda, room or chamber of the pages ;
elsewhere it means a company of janissaries] or by corner hath som
exelente frute tre or tres growing in them ; allso thar is greate abund-
ance of sweete grapes, and of diveres sortes. . . . Cominge into the
house whear I was appoynted to sett up the presente or instramente ;
it semed to be rether a churche than a dwellinge house; to say the
truthe, it was no dwellinge house, but a house of pleasur, and lyke wyse
a house of slaughter ; for in that house was bulte one Htde house, verrie
curius bothe within and witheout ; for carvinge, gildinge, good Collors
and vemishe, I have not sene the lyke. In this Hde house, that emperor
that rained when I was thare, had nyntene brotheres put to deathe in it,
and it was bulte for no other use but for the stranglinge of everie em-
perors bretherin. This great house it selfe hathe in it tow rankes of
marble pillors ; the pettestales of them are made of brass, and double
gilte. The wales on three sides of the house ar waled but halfe waye
to the eaves ; the other halfe is open ; but yf any storme or great wynde
should hapen, they can sodonly Let fale suche hanginges made of cotten
wolle for that purpose as will kepe out all kinds of wethere, and sudenly
they can open them againe. The fourthe side of the house, which is
close and joynethe unto another house, the wale is made of purfearc
[porphyry], or suche kinde of stone as when a man walketh by it he
maye se him selfe tharin. . . . Thare weare in this house nether stouls,
tables, or formes, only one coutche of estate. Thare is one side of it a
fishe ponde, that is full of fishe that be of divers collores.'

And, except for an interesting account of "thirtie of the Grand Sin-
yor's Concobines" whom he saw through an iron grating in a wall
(to which we shall return in another part of the work), that is all
Dallam has to tell us.

It seems to be almost certain that his "great house," with its two

' Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant (Hakluyt Society, London, 1893), pp. 61-63.

c 33

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rows of pillars, is the large L-shaped hall which flanks two sides of
the Pavihon of the Holy Mantle (No. 95 in the plan). It must be
remembered that at this time neither the Baghdad Kiosk nor the
Revan was built, neither was the Hall of Circumcision. The fish-
pond is still there, although it was entirely rebuilt after Dallam's day.
This L-shaped hall, of which I shall speak more fully later from
personal inspection, is in my opinion the fmest part of the whole
SeragUo, and might easily be described as resembling a church.
There is ample room for a large organ to be erected, and also for any
number of people to Hsten to it ; the acoustics would be excellent,
and it would be difficult to imagine a better place for our organ-
maker to show oflf his "instramente." He correctly describes one
side of the house as being open to the winds of heaven. To-day a
glass partition has been built, but a moment's inspection reveals
its original form. The "litle house" wherein we are informed
Muhammad III had his nineteen brothers strangled may be either the
reception-room of the seldmlik (No. 92 in the plan) or else that
which was immediately afterwards to be the Princes' prison — the
KafeSy or Cage (No. 90).

Thus we see that the first description of any part of the House of
FeHcity by a person not permanently employed in the Palace deals
only with the eastern comer of the seldmlik, to which Dallam was
conducted from SeragUo Point, and not through the Third Court.

Ottaviano Bon (1604-7)

The Venetian Bailo Ottaviano Bon can be regarded as the first
definite claimant, for it must be noted that although Dallam was not
actually in the service of the Seraglio he was temporarily employed
there, and merely described what he chanced to notice in the
course of his duty, while Hierosohmitano was very definitely in its
employ.

But in the present case matters were very different. As we shall
shortly see, Bon was a diplomatist of considerable experience, and
was doubtless anxious to obtain as much information as possible
about the SeragUo by the termination of his office in Constantinople.
These Bailos were originally the equivalent of a consul-general, but

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

from the sixteenth century onward they assumed the rank of a first-
class diplomatic agent. They were instructed to send home reports
every fortnight, and on their return after three or four years to submit
a detailed account of the Court they had been visiting, together with
a description of the country, its manners and customs. As can be
imagined, these reports contain matter of the highest importance.^
By some curious chance, however, Bon made no such report, as far
as can be traced, but luckily for us he wrote two accounts which are
preserved in the Bibhoteca Marciana,^ or Library of St Mark, at
Venice. They have been edited by N. Barozzi and G. Berchet, and
included in their Le Relazioni degli stati Europei kite al senate degli
ambasciatori veneziani nel secolo decimo-settimo.^

The first of these accounts is on the Seragho, and constitutes the
most detailed and informative account we have. The second one is
very brief, and deals with the government and administration of
various parts of the Turkish Empire. Before giving a few lines on
Bon's life and quoting from his account, which (with the help of
my friend Miss Frances Welby) I have translated direct from the
Italian, I must refer to a * discovery ' I made only when the translation
was completed.

Much of the account seemed strangely familiar, and I was unable

to guess why until I remembered the little work by Robert Withers

published in 1650 '^ as A Description of the Grand Signors Seraglio or

Turkish Emperours Court. A comparison of the two at once showed

them to be one and the same work. Withers' translation was found

in Constantinople and edited by John Greaves, the mathematician

and antiquary. He was apparently quite unaware that it had already

' Many of them have been summarized, or pubHshed in externa. See Marini Sanuto,
Diarii, 58 vols. (Venezia, 1 879-1903); Eugenio Alberi, Relazione degli ambasciatori Veneti
al senato, 15 vols. (Firenze, 1839-63). For details see Lybyer, Government of the Ottoman
Empire in the Time of Suleiman the Magnificent, pp. 311-313, and particularly the magnifi-
cendy illustrated work of Tomaso Bertele, II Palazzo degli ambasciatori di Venezia a Con-
stantinopoli e le sue antiche memorie (Bologna, 1932).

2 Cl. vii, cod. 578, 923.

3 See Serie V: Turchia (1866), pp. 59-115. An account of Bon's life appears in Serie I:
Spagna (1856), pp. 217-222. See also Luigi LoUino, Vita del cav. Ottaviano Bon, tradotta
da G. Marchiori, publ. da Aless. Soranzo (Venezia, 1854). The account of the Seragho was
also pubhshed separately as II serraglio del gran signore descritto a Constantinopoli nel 1608,
con notizie sul Bon di Gugl. Berchet (Venezia, 1865).

•♦ The British Museum also catalogue a second edition of 1652, but the book has im-
fortunately been lost or mislaid.

THE HAREM

been published by Purchas,* and, of course, had never heard of Bon.
As nobody else seems to have reaUzed the connexion between Bon
and Withers I may perhaps be permitted to discuss the matter
further. Little appears to be known of Robert Withers, and I can
fmd no mention of him in any biography. In fact, the only informa-
tion about his stay in Constantinople that I can trace occurs in
Purchas' introduction :

These [accounts] hath Master Robert Withers collected: after his
ten yeeres observation at Constantinople, where he was educated by
the care and cost of that late Honourable Embassadour from His
Majestie, Sir Paul Pindar, and well instructed by Turkish Schoole-
masters in the Language, and admitted also to further sight of the un-
holy Holies than is usuall.^

Now Paul Pindar was Ambassador from 1611 to 1620, having
previously been secretary to Henry Lello, Ambassador from 1597 to
1607. When he left for London in 1620 Robert Withers went with
him. This we know from the Travels of Peter MundyJ Thus, if
Purchas is correct in his information, Withers arrived in Con-
stantinople in 1610, and Pindar became his patron and protector,
just as he did to Mundy himself. Pindar, previous to his residence
in Constantinople, had spent fifteen years in Venice, and was naturally
well acquainted with all the Bailos missions to Constantinople. He
is most likely, therefore, to have seen Bon's report and to have shown
it to Withers. The English translation was made, quite likely by both
men, and remained unpubhshed at Constantinople. John Greaves
arrived in 1638, discovered the manuscript, " the name of the Author
being then unknown," and, after fmding it out later to be the work of
Withers, pubHshed it in 1650, beheving that to be its first appearance.
The Dictionary of National Biography confuses matters still more
by giving the impression that it was an original work by Greaves :

In the same year [1650] was published his ' Description of the Grand
Seignor's Seraglio,' reprinted, along with the ' Pyramidographia ' and
several other works, in 1737.

Not a word about Withers, let alone Bon!

' Pilgrims (London, 1625), vol. ii, lib. ix, pp. 1580-1611.

* In the Hakluyt Society's — i.e., the MacLenose — reprint it is vol. ix, p. 321.

' R. C. Temple (Hakluyt Society, 1907), vol. i, p. 42.

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

That Withers did translate from Bon is obvious to anyone com-
paring the two versions. Withers gives his distances in Itahan
milage; in places difficult w^ords are ignored — e.g., hulgaro, Russia
leather — w^here observations are in parentheses they are seldom in
Bon, but additions by Withers, often trivial and in strange contrast
vv^ith the rest of the text. Finally, when Bon speaks of how he got
into the Seraglio through his personal acquaintance with the Chief
Gardener Withers omits the whole passage, which looks rather as if
he was 'borrowing' the account, merely adding his own trifling
remarks ! Be that as it may, this account of the Seragho was neither
by Greaves nor by Withers, but by Ottaviano Bon, written between
the years 1604 and 1607, and to him alone is the credit of this fme
description due.

Yet Withers was not the only one to make use of Bon without
acknowledgment, for in 1624 Michel Baudier, historian to Louis XIII,
published his Histoire generalle du serrail et de la com du grand seigneur^
which ran into many editions in France, and was translated into
Enghsh by Edward Grimstone in 1635. Although, as a compiler,
Baudier used other material his debt to Bon was very great, as a
comparison between the two will at once testify.

Born at Venice in 155 1, and graduating in philosophy and law at
Padua University, Bon became successively Inquisitor at Candia,
Podesta at Friuli and Treviso, and Ambassador Extraordinary to the
Court of Phihp III of Spain at Valladolid in 160 1. He returned the
following year, and in 1604 was sent in the same capacity to Ahmed I.
He remained in Constantinople as Bailo for three years to the
credit of his country. On his return to Venice he became a member
of the Pregadi (Senate), where he greatly distinguished himself. In
1616 he was sent to Paris to obtain the French King's mediation
in the quarrel between Savoy and Venice on the one hand and
Austria and Spain on the other. Complications finally led to
his recall, but complete vindication followed, and though now
old and infirm he was appointed Podesta of Padua. He died in
1622.

The value of Bon's account of the Seraglio lies rather in the detail
of the description as a whole than in that of any particular room he
chanced to see in the seldmlik.

THE HARlM

The harem proper he never entered, and when speaking of it he
merely says :

. . . there is the women's apartment inhabited by the Queen Sultana,
the Sultan, and all the other women and slaves of the Grand Signore ;
and this apartment is like a huge nunnery in which are aU the conveni-
ences of dormitories, refectories, baths, sitting-rooms, and every other
kind of building that hving demands.^

After giving some account of the various buildings in the Second
Court and of the Throne Room at the entrance to the Third Court
he commences to tell us how he managed to obtain a sight of some
of the Sultan's rooms in the seldmlik :

On one occasion, finding the King absent on the chase, owing to my
friendship with Chiaia, who is the steward of the Bustangihassi — that
is to say, chief of the King's gardeners — I had the privilege of entering
the SeragHo, under his escort, by the sea gate of the Sea-horses, and
was taken by him to see the various rooms reserved for the King,
several baths, and many other things as deUghtful as they were curious,
both in the richness of the gold-work and in the abundance of foun-
tains. In particular I saw a suite of rooms, in the summer wing, on a
hillock, complete with dining-room and other chambers in so lovely
a site that it might well be the place and dweUing of so great a king. It
was the Divan [not to be confused with the Hall of the Divan in the
Second Court. ' Divan ' is used in many senses ; that employed by Bon
is perfecdy correct] — that is to say, the hall open towards the east, rest-
ing on most beautiful columns looking on to a small lake, square in
form, artificially made from thirty different fountains [by the water's
being] led off and visible in an aqueduct of the fmest marble which
surrounded this lake, so that the fountains discharged the water from
that aqueduct into the lake. Its water was then drained off gradually
to some gardens, thus making the place most dehghtful. Two men
can walk along the aqueduct abreast, and follow it round to enjoy the
fountains, which emit a continuous and gentle murmur. On the lake
was a tiny httle boat into which I was told his Majesty was wont to
enter with buffoons to sail for recreation and to divert himself with
them on the water, and very often, walking with them on the aque-
duct, he would push them in and make them turn somersaults in the
lake. Through a window in the Divan I also saw his Majesty's bed-
room, which was of ordinary size, the walls, as usual, encrusted with
stones — ^namely, the fmest majohca, which displayed patterns and

* Barozzi and Berchet, p. 60.
38

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

flowers of different colours, producing a splendid effect. Over the
door were curtains, as usual, but of cloth of gold from Brusa with a
frieze of crimson velvet embroidered in gold and enriched with many-
pearls.

The bed was hke a Roman paviHon, with columns of fluted silver,
instead of wooden supports [pomoli]. It had crystal Hons, and the
hangings were of cloth of gold and green Brusa brocade without
trimmings, in place of which were lacings made of pearls, showing
it to be a work of great value and very well contrived. The quilts
were rather more than a hand's breadth from the ground and of gold
brocade, as were also the cushions. The floors, both of this room and
the others, with their sofas (which are places used for sitting down)
about half a cubit from the ground, were all covered with the richest
Persian carpets in silk and gold, and the quilts for sitting on and the
cushions to lean against were all of the finest brocades in gold and silk.

In the centre of the Divan hung a very large lantern, round in shape,
with its drops of silver inlaid with gold, encrusted with turquoises and
rubies, the intermediate parts being of the finest crystals, producing a
splendid effect. For washing the hands was a minute basin, its ewer
being entirely of massive gold set with very lovely turquoises and
rubies — a fme sight to behold. Behind the said Divan was an archery
ground, where I saw fme bows and arrows, and I was shown marks of
former feats of the King's strong arm with the arrow so great that they
were scarcely to be credited.

And so ends Bon's visit to the seldmlik. This is the last description
of the square lake and terrace before the Revan and Baghdad Kiosks
were built (1635 and 1639 respectively) and the whole area was
remodelled. As I have already mentioned, Bon's account of the
Seraglio is valuable as a whole, and consequently I shall have occasion
to make several further extracts as the work proceeds.

Edmund Chishull (1701)

The next account of the Seraglio was included in a book of travels
by Edmund Chishull.^ It was published posthumously by his friend

' Travels in Turkey and back to England, by the late Reverend and Learned Edmund
Chishull, B.D., Chaplain to the Factory of the Worshipful Turkey Company at Smyrna
(London, 1747). For his biography see A. Chalmers, General Biographical Dictionary, and
the Dictionary of National Biography. His numerous manuscripts were purchased By the
British Museum, who possess a copy of his Antiquitates asiaticce (1728) full of his manu-
script notes.

THE HAREM

Dr Mead in 1747. ChishuU was bom at Ey worth, Bedfordshire,
in 1670-71, and went to Corpus Christi College, Oxford, in 1687,
where, having received "a grant of the traveller's place," he was
appointed to the factory of the Turkey Company at Smyrna. A
sermon he had preached to the Levant Company is said to have done
much to secure him the post of chaplain.

He left England in February 1698, and arrived at Smyrna in
November. After a tour to Ephesus in 1699 he visited Constantinople
in 1701, and returned home the same year. His account, then, dates
from this time, nearly a hundred years later than that of Bon. It is
quite short, and ChishuU is not very clear about his itinerary.

It would appear that he made his way through the First and
Second Courts, but did not continue past the Gate of Fehcity into
the Third Court, as we next fmd him outside in the Palace gardens.
It seems clear, then, that he made his exit by some side-door in the
Second Court, unless he retraced his steps and made a complete
circuit of the grounds outside the main wall. However this may have
been, he arrived in due course at the Goths' Column and made his
entrance afresh, now closely following in the footsteps of Dallam.

He succeeded in actually seeing the door of the harem, which he
probably reached via the Golden Road.

In his Travels in Turkey ChishuU writes as foUows :

By the interest of a Greek, who serves the bostangi basha as his sur-
geon, I was admitted in company of Mr. John Philips, an eminent
merchant, into the great Seraglio of Constantinople, where we passed
thro two courts, that form the entry of the palace ; the first of which
has a small arsenal, furnished with arms and ammunition ; the second
has piazzas on two sides, in which the janisaries are wont to eat, and
opens at the upper end into the divan.

From these two courts we were permitted to walk round the fuU
extent of the garden, on each side of the palace. . . . The whole plot of
ground, which they call the gardens of the Seraglio is covered with
cypress and other trees, thro which are cut shady walks, where kiosks
are seen of various sorts. . . . Passing thro the extent of the Seraglio
towards the extreme point, that looks up the Thracian Bosphorus, you
observe a Corinthian pillar consisting of white marble . . . near this
pillar we were admitted thro a gate, which opens into a green court,
and that again into a garden kept in somewhat a regular order. From
hence we ascend by a few steps into an apartment of the Grand Signior„

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

where are two rich kiosks, a fish pond, a paved walk, and an open
gallery. Here we were shewn the lodgings, where the unhappy princes
of the empire are detained prisoners, as also the dark chambers of the
ichoglans, and the door that leads into the harem. . . .

The above mentioned gallery is rich and splendid, adorned with
various gilding of flower work, and supported with beautiful serpen-
tine pillars. In the sides of one of the kiosks are three orbicular stones
of fine porphyry, the middlermost of which is curiously pohshed, and
thereby serves to reflect the prospect of the Seraglio and adjoining city,
in the nature of a looking glass. . . .^

The itinerary is easy to follow, as a glance at the plan will at once
reveal. The only point of interest is the " open gallery," which I do
not agree with Dr Miller in taking to be the same as the terrace be-
tween the Kiosk of Baghdad (No. 114) and the Hall of Circumcision.
Her own plan is so wrongly drawn at this point, with regard to
the number and the size and the shape of the buildings and the
general proportions of the courts to the buildings, that it is hard to
believe that she could have inspected them personally. It seems quite
clear that after leaving the "paved walk" near the Baghdad Kiosk
ChishuU was conducted along the "open gallery" (No. 95) — which
is a perfectly good description of the pillared hall open on the western
side — into the courtyard of the Kafes, or Princes' prison (No. 91).
The " dark chambers " are hard to recognize, but as parts of the Royal
Road (No. 75) are dark, and small rooms do lead off, and the road
does connect directly with the harem door, I think we can conclude
that this was the route he followed. We are not told how he got
back, but most likely he retraced his steps (as he had not been allowed
in the Third Court) and returned through the gardens to SeragHo
Point. I can say nothing about the "three orbicular stones," and
conclude that they have followed the course of so many things in the
Seraglio. But we are still outside the harem. It was destined for a
Frenchman to take us inside.

AuBRY DE La Motraye (1699-1714)

This French traveller and writer, bom about 1674, was for many
years a religious refugee in England. His travels in Europe were

' Pp. 4-^.
41

THE HAREM

extensive, including visits to Sweden, Lapland, Prussia, France, Spain,
Italy, Greece, Russia, Circassia, and Turkey. He arrived in Smyrna
at the beginning of 1699, and moved to Constantinople in June of
the same year. He made it his headquarters until he left for Sweden
in 1714. The chief account of his travels was published in London
in two volumes, under the title Travels through Europe, Asia, & into
Part of Africa.^ A third volume was added nine years later. His
biographers* describe him as a "voyageur veridique, mais observa-
teur superficiel," which would seem to be a fair criticism. At the
same time, he was the furst outsider to inspect the interior of several
rooms of the harem, although it must be confessed that such rooms
as he describes no longer exist to-day. It was only by a series of
lucky chances that he was able to see as much as he did. It seems
that the regulating of the numerous harem clocks was in the hands of
Swiss and French clock-makers who had settled in Galata and Pera.
Motraye became acquainted with some of them, and, on learning that
an order had been received to mend some pendulums in the Seraglio,
prevailed on the clock-maker in question to take him as his
assistant.

"I dress'd my self after the Turkish manner," says Motraye, "as
he did likewise, and (which happen'd very fortunately to gratify my
Curiosity the more) the Grand Seignior was then at Adrianople with
all his Court." ^ He entered in the ordinary way through the First
and Second Courts. Having reached the Third Court, he apparently
turned left in the direction of the first room of the harem leading
into the Golden Road. The rooms he describes must have been
either adjacent to the courtyard of the harem slaves (No. 44) or else
farther west, where the so-called harem hospital now Hes (No. 56).
Motraye was himself the first to reaUze how muddled his account
was, so that even if the rooms still existed it would be hard to follow
his itinerary :

I found my Head so full of the Sophas, rich Cieling, and in one word,
of the great Confusion of fine things so irregularly disposed, that

' 1723-

* See L. Michaud, Biographic universelle, xxix, pp. 434-435, and J. C. F. Hoefer, Nouvelle
Biographic generale, xxix, p. 275. The name is sometimes spelled ' Mottraye.'
» Vol. i, p. 170.

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

'twou'd be very hard for me to give a clear Idea of diiem, and I did
not stay long enough to make an exact description.

They w^ere handed over to the care of a black eunuch, who
apparently volunteered no information whatever.

The Eunuch conducted us into the Hall of the Harem, which seem'd
to me the finest and most agreeable of any in the Seraglio, where an
English Clock, with a magnificent Case and Stand, wanted, his Assist-
ance to rectify it. This room was incrusted over with fine China ; and
the CieHng, which adorn'd the Inside of a Cupola, as well as the rest
of the Roof, was the richest that could be with Gold and Azure ; in
the middle of the Hall, directly under the Cupola, was an Artificial
fountain, the Bason of which was of a precious Green Marble, which
seem'd to me either Serpentine, or Jasper ; it did not play then on
account of the Womens being absent. . . . There were several large
Windows in this Hall, which besides Glass, have Lattices before them :
They had also Httle Sofas, which had some Pieces of painted CaUico
flung over them to preserve them from Dust, &c. Upon these Sofas
the Ladies sit to breathe the fresh Air, and recreate their Eyes thro' the
Lattice. After the Clock in the Hall was put in order, the Eunuch made
us pass by several httle Chambers with Doors shut, hke the Cells of
Monks or Nuns, as far as I- cou'd judge by one that another Eunuch
open'd, which was the only one I saw, and by the Outside of the others
. . . this chamber was more richly adorn'd with Paintings and Gilding,
than the Hall itself; the bottom of the Windows were above the Reach
of the tallest Man, with Glass painted of divers Colours, almost hke
those in some Christian Churches, excepting that there were no Figures
of any hving Creature.

Then La Motraye adds, as an explanatory parenthesis :

N.B. In comparing the Chambers of the Grand Seignior s Women
to the Cells of Nuns, we must except the Richness of the Furniture,
as well as the Use they are put to ; the Difference of which is easy
enough to be imagin'd without Exphcation.

They were then conducted to " a Room that looked upon the
Garden," of which no description is given. After crossing " several
fme Halls and Chambers, treading under Foot the rich Persian
Carpets that were spread upon the Gromid almost every where,"
they made their exit through the seldmlik, down past the Goths'
Column, to SeragHo Point.

THE HAREM

Jean-Claude Fl achat (1740-55)

Wc now come to a French manufacturer named Jean-Claude
Flachat, who holds the distinction of being the first foreigner to see
the whole of the Seragho, including the harem. As details of his
interesting experiences seem to be very little known I shall make no
apology for dealing with him rather fully. All biographies are silent
about the date and place of his birth, but we can fairly safely put
them at about 1720 and at Saint-Chamond, lying in a picturesque
valley at the juncture of the Gier and Janon, some twenty-eight
miles south-west of Lyons. At any rate, his brother Hved in this
to vm, Jean-Claude died there, and a Flachat was cure of Notre-Dame
there in 1789. As a young man Jean-Claude conceived the idea of
making an extended tour of the whole of the Levant and the Indies
with the object of trading and learning all he could of the manu-
facturing methods he might fmd, and to offer the results to his
country. The scheme appeared too ambitious to the French Ambas-
sador, who refused the necessary passport, allowing him only to
travel to Constantinople and to make it his permanent headquarters.
Consequently Flachat set out, and, passing through Holland, Italy,
Germany, Hungary, Wallachia, and Turkey, arrived at his destina-
tion in 1740. Here he settled for no less than fifteen years, during the
reigns of Mahmud I and Osman III, and by diUgent and unremitting
labour not only traded on a considerable scale in manufactured
goods of all kinds, but taught the Turks how to make and use looms,
dye cotton, plate copper, do tin-plating and other similar industrial
trades. His friendship with the Chief Black Eunuch, the Kislar Agha
Haji Bektash, was the main cause of his success. So interested did this
Abyssinian become in Flachat's novelties that Flachat was created
" Baserguian bachi," or First Merchant of the Grand Signor. He
sold aU manner of things to the Seraglio, mechanical devices being
in special demand. In fact, the bribe that led Haji Bektash to conduct
him over the SeragUo consisted of an automaton of a man playing
a drum, and others of a French girl and an Oriental slave, together
with some diagrams of other machines, of which we are not given
the details. Highly important as Haji Bektash was, it was more than
his head was worth to show Flachat the Seragho openly, even

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

though the Sultan was absent. " The gods of mythology," says
Flachat, "manifest themselves to humans with less formality; the
entrance to Tartarus is not more forbidden." But, as luck would
have it, some mirrors sent by Louis XV to Mahmud I were being
installed, and Flachat, with the Comte de Castellane, the French
Ambassador at the Porte, was introduced among the workmen,
and so any suspicions of the other eunuchs were unaroused. In this
way practically the whole of the Seragho was inspected, and Flachat
was a keen observer who would have illustrated his account with
diagrams had leave been granted. Soon after the death of his bene-
factor Flachat departed for Smyrna (in 1755), where he devoted
much of his time to the study of madder, from the root of which the
colouring matter for dyeing Turkey-red was obtained. The methods
employed here by the Greeks in dyeing and kindred industries seemed
to Flachat so important that on his return home the following year
he took with him a number of the workmen. His efforts were
rewarded by the King, who, by a decree of the Council of December
21, 1756, granted a title of "manufacture Royale" to his brother's
works at Saint-Chamond, expressly stating that Flachat's Greek
workmen should be installed there to carry on their work, that work-
shops would be open to the pubhc to study their methods, and that
pupils would be taken.

Ten years later appeared Flachat's story of his fifteen years in
Constantinople, entitled Observations sur le commerce et sur les arts
d*une partie de VEurope, de VAsie, de VAfrique, et mime des Indes
orientalesJ The title gives but little idea of the contents, and perhaps
for this very reason the work appears to have escaped notice. It is,
moreover, of considerable rarity, and no copy exists in the British
Museum, the London Library, or any of the leading hbraries where
we might expect to find it. Unfortunately the book is small in size,
and the diagrams of machines, etc., are much too crowded together
and minute to be of much practical value. Of the later hfe of
Flachat we know nothing, but imagine that it was entirely taken up
with his experiments in his brother's manufactory at Saint-Chamond,
where he died in 1775.

But to return to his description of the harem, Flachat made a most

* Two vols. (Lyon, 1766).
45

THE HAREM

thorough inspection of the whole Seragho, and, although it is difficult
to trace some of the buildings he describes, there is much that I have
been able to check, and in all such cases he is entirely reliable. His
visit was very different from those of men hke ChishuU, being carried
out in a leisurely and determined fashion. Flachat had intended
making plans and sketches of all he saw, but this was too much even
for his friend the Kislar Agha, and so, taking a hint not to abuse the
favours already extended, he put his pencil back into his pocket, and
trusted to his sight and memory for his subsequent descriptions. He
not only deals with the Seraglio court by court, but describes all the
kiosks of the Outer Palace in considerable detail, as well as the Summer
Palace and the outer walls and gates. In fact, he apologizes for his
lengthy discourse, and after telling us of his visits to the underground
chambers and reservoirs leaves us without any account of them. In
the course of the work I shall have occasion to refer to him from time
to time. I shall here confme myself to giving his description of the
quarters of the black eunuchs and some of the rooms of the harem.
Having described the Palace School and gardens, and kiosks in the
Fourth Court, he continues :

You wiU notice that up to the present I have only spoken of the ex-
teriors of the main buildings, of which it is quite easy to obtain a
description. It is not so of the rooms of which I am now about to
speak.

The room of the Cas-Odales [pages of the Has Oda, or Royal Cham-
ber] forms the first section of the ground-floor apartments which He
to the west. It is very large and paved in marble. The only ornament
to this room is a large basin with a jet of water, around which there
bum all night wax candles seven or eight inches in diameter in large
copper candlesticks. The Cas-Odales are on guard there night and day.
I shall not repeat again that all the roofs are covered with lead, with a
lantern that gives hght in the large dome of each room, and that most
of these domes are gilded. One passes from there into two vaulted
rooms which the black eunuchs inhabit. An inner court separates
them, and each room has stoves at the side for warming in winter. A
long gallery covered by five domes, which stretches to the south, leads
to a large vestibule ; it serves as an anteroom to the first apartment of
the Grand Seigneur. One can also reach it by a higher gallery which
joins up with that of the Kislar Aga. It is there that they introduce the
chief officers of the Porte who have pressing matters to discuss with

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

his Highness. A large number of black eunuchs Hve all round in Uttle
rooms.

This apartment has two doors, one to the north (that of the Sultan),
and the other to the south (that of the Kislar Aga). The door to the
north leads to a corridor where the rooms of the Karem are situated
[Flachat always writes Karem, apparently to imply the guttural 'h' in
harem]. They are of average size, all built in stone, and look on to a
garden shut in by a very high wall. They are hght and well furnished.
Their furniture consists of tapestries, czTipets, portieres, curtains, mirrors,
clocks, caskets which are put in the corner of the sofa that goes all
round and on which they remain night and day. I shall give later on
a more detailed account of the materials with which this furniture is
made.

One passes from this first garden into a second. The two-storied
kiosk, which is in the centre, is a lovely place. The Sultan very often
goes there with the Sultanas. The main inside court of the Serrail is
at the end of this garden. It consists of four blocks of buildings. The
Sultan occupies that to the west, and the walls are all adorned with
porcelain on the outside. The Sultanas occupy the rest, which are all
uniformly built on fine arcades. This court closely resembles the royal
square in Paris ; it is longer than it is broad. The rooms are warmed
by stoves fitted on the ground floor : and owing to this the women do
not feel the severe weather when they come out into the court. One
reaches the Grand Seigneur's room by a superb staircase. The vestibule
is square, the anteroom larger ; the room stretches as far as the angle of
the court and ends on this side of the Serrail buildings. It is there one
can get some idea of the wealth of the Sultans. All is of unparalleled
magnificence. The window openings and ceilings are inlaid with
flowered porcelain of remarkable finish. FoHage carved in gold covers
the stucco which joins the slabs of porcelain. The walls are covered
with tapestry of cloth of gold. The sofa is of a material just as
rich. The mirrors, clocks, caskets, are all remarkable, and what is
extraordinary is that nearly aU the chefs d'oeuvre are the produc-
tions of foreign artists who have been employed to decorate the
chamber.

One next passes into the gallery where are situated the apartments
of twelve Sultanas. They are large and richly furnished. The windows
have iron grilles, and look into the courtyard. They have on the
garden side sacnissis, or little jutting-out gazebos, where they go to sit
and see the country and all that happens in the gardens without being
seen. In the middle of the northern facade they have built a fore-part,
which serves as an assembly room, as you might call it. All the women
go there to pay their addresses to his Highness, and try and please him

THE HAREM

with a thousand amusements which follow on one after the other, and
to which the inexhaustible fertiHty of the genius of these women always
imparts the air of novelty. From there one goes to the large bath. It
consists of three rooms, all of which are paved with marble. The
middle one is the most ornamental ; its dome is supported by marble
pillars and cut glass is let in to give it Hght. The rooms communicate
one with the other by glass doors so that aU that goes on can be seen.
Each basin has two taps, one supplying hot and the other cold water.
The basins are neither of the same shape nor used for the same purposes.
They have an eye for utiHty and beauty ahke. The women of lesser
rank and the black eunuchs have baths apart, very neat and comfort-
able. On leaving the grand Karem one goes down a corridor quite
dark. It crosses the detached building which the eunuchs inhabit and
leads directly to the prison of the Princes, the Sultan's sons who can
aspire to the throne. This prison is hke a strong citadel. A high wall
is built all round it. Osman caused it to be lowered and to have the
windows opened. "^ It is entered by two doors carefully guarded by
Eunuchs both within and without, each having a double iron railing.
The place has a dismal appearance. There is a pretty enough garden,
well watered. The Princes have fine apartments and baths in the
detached buildings which surround the court. The Eunuchs detailed
to their service all hve on the ground floor, and there is a large number
of them. They spare no pains to mitigate their hard lot, and to make
their prison at least endurable. For some long time the severity with
which they were treated has been lessened. Women are given them,
although it is a fact that they can no longer bear children, or else great
care is taken to obviate their becoming pregnant. They have aU kinds
of masters, and they even encourage them to perfect themselves in all
handiworks that are appHcable to their rank. In a word, they leave
nothing to wish for save freedom. They are, however, not Hmited to
the apartments of the Grand Serrail alone ; the Sultan often conducts
them to other Imperial houses, and especially to Besictache [i.e.,
Beshiktash, the first station on the left bank of the Bosphorus, just
past the Palace of Dolma Baghtche], where they are shut up in the
same way. These trips, always agreeable, make a welcome change for
them.*

Although changes have taken place, and several of the harem rooms
have since disappeared, it is fairly easy to trace the itinerary from the
quarters of the black eunuchs (Nos. 34 and 35 in the plan) into the
harem, along the Golden Road (No. 75), and so to the courtyard of

' See also Flachat, vol. ii, p. 64. * Vol. ii, pp. 195-202.

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

the Princes' prison (No. 91), which is here described for the first
time.

And with Flachat our small list of surreptitious visitors to the harem
comes to an end.

There now remains but to speak of those who were openly per-
mitted beyond the Gate of Felicity. Their number, however, is very
small, for, as I have already mentioned, the sHght relaxing of rules
about admittance to the Seraglio, which occasionally occurred after
the Palace had ceased to be a Royal residence, did not extend beyond
the Third Court.

Sir Adolphus Slade (1829)

The first of these is Vice- Admiral Sir Adolphus Slade (1804-77),
who reached Constantinople at the end of May 1829, and was in-
cluded in a tour of the Seraglio made in honour of a visit to Mahmudll
by the Admiral of the Mediterranean Fleet, Sir Pulteney Malcolm,
in the following September.

Slade's subsequent history was most interesting, for after being
employed on several missions to Greece, Constantinople, and the
Crimea he was lent to the Porte in 1849, for service with the Turkish
fleet. In the next seventeen years he became administrative head of
the Turkish Navy, and was known by the name of Muchaver Pasha.
His account of the Seraglio ' is of no great interest to us, but shows
just what important visitors (the Sultan thought Malcolm ranked
third man in the British Empire, corresponding to his own Captain
Pasha) were allowed to see at this period. They entered the Fourth
Court by the Ugiincu Kapi, or Third Gate (No. 123 in our plan), and
went through the courts in inverse order, visiting the Library (No. 97),
the Arzodasiy or Throne Room (No. 96), the Divan (No. 23), and
the kitchens (Nos. 6-17), which were in full activity:

. . . not less than a hundred dinners were preparing, each at a yawning
cavern of flames and smoke that might have graced Vulcan's work-
shop, and hosts of lackeys were going or returning with full or empty
dishes.

' Records of Travels in Turkey, Greece, etc. . . . in the years iSzg, 1830, and 1831, 2 vols.
(London, 1833). See vol. i, pp. 455^-470. In the " New Edition" of 1854, in one volume,
the corresponding pages are 241-247.

D 49

THE HAREM

They were then conducted through the gardens, where they met
two mutes who surprised them by their good looks and perfect
understanding of all that went on.

As far as can be gathered, no inspection of the inner rooms of
the harem was allowed, and the itinerary followed was merely that
arranged for any such semi-official visit.

Maxime Du Camp (1844-45)

The next visitor to the SeragHo was Maxime Du Camp (1822-94),
the French litterateur and artist, and intimate friend of Gustave
Flaubert. He made many trips to various parts of Europe and the
Near East, and served with Garibaldi in i860. His description of the
Seragho dates from his first trip to the Orient (1844-45), ^^<^ appears
in his Souvenirs et paysages d' Orients Having obtained the necessary
firmariy the party entered by the Cannon Gate and, winding round
past the Chinih Kiosk, reached the First Court, presumably near the
Ortakapi, as one does to-day. They inspected the usual show rooms,
including the Library, Throne Room, kitchens, and courts. The
account is rather joumahstic and not worth quoting, except possibly
the description of the Chief White Eunuch, which is as follows :

II est vetu d'un splendide costume, et un turban blanc brode de
palmes vertes s'enroule autour de son front. Ses traits fatigues annon-
cent au moins soixante ans; il est si gros qu'il semble n'avoir forme
humaine que parce que sa graisse debordante est contenue dans ses
vetements. Ses joues jaunes et tombantes se plissent de mille rides
entrecroisees. Il n'a point de barbe; un duvet d'enfant ombrage ses
l^vres epaisses. Son ceil doux regarde lentement et parait s'entr'ouvrir
avec peine. Sa main, qui tient les flexibles tuyaux d'un narguileh de
cristal, brille k chaque doigt de bagues precieuses. Derriere lui, un
jeune negre fait bomllir le cafe sur un rechaud portatif; il I'appelle, et
sa voix est grele, criarde et faible comme ceUe d'une femme.

Visitors in the Twentieth Century

During the rest of the nineteenth century few visits are recorded,
but any there were consisted merely of a formal inspection of the

» Paris, 1848, pp. 197-211.
50

PREVIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE SERAGLIO

regular show rooms as detailed above. In fact, there is nothing to
report until in 1910 Professor Cornelius Gurlitt was accorded the un-
precedented privilege of making a plan of the Second, Third, and
Fourth Courts, which was subsequently used by Baedeker^ and in
other guide-books. But he was not allowed to see the harem, and
consequently all that portion is left blank in his plan.

It was published in his Die Baukunst Konstantinopels, which is
such a wonderfully produced work as to call for some description,
especially as there is no copy in the British Museum or the London
Library, 2 and also as it contains photographs with text of parts of
the Seragho.

It was published in Berlin, ^ and consists of two large portfolios of
photographs of all the chief mosques, palaces, antiquities, schools,
street scenes, etc., of Constantinople. A text of 112 pages, divided
up into thirty-nine sections, with 224 plans and illustrations, was
included by way of explanation. The Seraglio is dealt with at
pp. 44-47 and 93-96, with fourteen plans and illustrations in all. As
regards the plates, Gurhtt published no interiors of any rooms of the
Seraglio, having to content himself with plans of the Baghdad Kiosk
and the Arzodasi. Several photographs of the Chinili Kiosk are,
however, included. The numbers of the plates are 12 a, h, c, and d.

The plan of the Seraglio is Plate 12 e, and until recent years
remained the only reliable one in existence. To-day it is valueless,
and merely shows that the rooms of the seldmlik and the harem
were as impossible of access in 19 10 as ever they were. Apart from
including the usual show places (Divan, Gate of Felicity, Throne
Room, Library, and Kiosks of Abd ul-Mejid and Baghdad) it is in
reality only a plan of the courts. But the fact that such a plan was
allowed to be made at all can be regarded as a surprising concession.

To bring the story up to date we must turn to Dr Miller's Beyond
the Sublime Porte,^ where we are told that after the dispersal of the
harem by the Young Turks the first person — and, so far as is known,
the first Turk ever — to enter the Seraglio was Abd ur-Rahman Shirif
Efendi, the historian who subsequently published a series of eight

* Konstantinopel (1914), p. 156.

* Copies can be seen, however, at the libraries of the Victoria and Albert Museum and
the Royal Institute of British Architects.

3 1907-12. ♦ P, 16.

THE HAREM

articles (in Turkish) in the Tarikhi Osmani Enjumeni Mejmuasi, or
Turkish Historical Review. ' A plan was included in one of the articles,
but once again the harem was left blank.

The first foreigner to visit the Seraglio under the new regime was
(says Dr Miller) the Marchioness Pallavicini, wife of the Austrian
Ambassador to Constantinople, who made a 'grand tour' in 1912.
Shortly afterwards Mr W. W. Rockhill, the American Ambassador,
was admitted, and the party included Dr Miller, who visited it
again in 1916-19, when she collected material for her excellent work
Beyond the Sublime Porte, ^ which included the most detailed plan
ever made at that date. The information she collected and the highly
important notes and bibliography have been my guide and chief
source of information throughout the present work. In 1933 Dr
Miller contributed a most interesting article on "The Curriculum of
the Palace School of the Turkish Sultans" to the Macdonald Presenta-
tion Volume.^

And so we complete our survey of people who have visited the
Seraglio and the accounts they have left us.

It will be agreed, I think, that prior to the present century no full
account of the Seragho existed at all — for the very best reason in
the world : nobody knew anything about it. It is impossible to say
how long the Palace will stand or what new restrictions political
changes may enforce. Thus I inspected it in detail while I could
do so, and offer the results, such as they are, to my readers.

' Nos. v-xii.

* New Haven, Yale University Press. The book v^ras not published until 193 1.

» Princeton University Press, New Jersey.

CHAPTER III

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL,
ITS WALLS AND KIOSKS

I. Early History

JjEFORE we discuss the Seraglio Hill in detail as it was when the
Turks had crowned its summit with a palace for their Sultans it will
be interesting to consider briefly the part played in earlier days by
this incomparable promontory. We should do this not only because
of the enormous changes that have occurred here, and the almost
unique historical importance that attaches itself to this acropohs,
but because of the puzzles and obstacles that to-day confront the
student or intelligent tourist who critically inspects its slopes and
Httoral. He will constantly be stumbling against half-hidden ruins,
broken marble columns, crumbling arches, bases of ancient walls,
fdled-in cisterns, disused wells, and so forth. Constantly he will be
asking himself what it is he has chanced upon — Greek, Roman,
Christian, or Turkish — and what part it has played in the history of
the acropolis. It might well be any : in fact, a single wall or tower
may contain materials of aU four.

The whole district, therefore, can perhaps best be described as an
architectural palimpsest. Each conquering people has left its mark here
from the earhest times, erecting walls, altering names, pulling down
palaces, utihzing the same material to build new ones, or maybe only
a new gate — each improving according to its own views, but con-
tinually piling up difficulties for the archaeologist or historian who
tries to read the story of the stones aright and arrange things in their
proper chronological order.

It is extremely difficult to identify every ruin we come across.
Before the railway, like a poisonous serpent, had thrust its devastating
head round Seragho Point, crushing, maiming, and devouring as it
went, it might have been possible for archaeologists, employing the
modern horizontal method of digging, to make a really detailed

THE HAREM

survey of the entire promontory and to enumerate all the Byzantine
churches and other important buildings that once stood here. But
that is out of the question now, and we must be content with the
little that recent research has been able to add to the discoveries of
such scholars as Du Cange, Paspates, Mordtmann, von Hammer,
van Millingen. Gurhtt, and the rest.

From the dawn of history the unsurpassed beauty of Seraglio
Point has been proverbial, as the well-known story of the first
colonists shows ; for when in the seventh century B.C. the Dorians
of Megara consulted the Oracle at Delphi as to the best site for a
new colony they received the answer, "Build ye opposite the city of
the blind! " Undismayed by the vagueness of such a reply, the hardy
band of colonists set off and duly arrived at the Thracian Bosphorus,
and founded a city on the site of a town called Lygos, to which Pliny
alludes, but of which we know nothing. The promontory on which
it stood had been selected for its beauty and strategic importance, and
now the Oracle was explained, and they fully realized why the
colony which had estabHshed itself a few years earher on the opposite
shores at Chalcedon (the modem Kadikeuy) had been called "the
blind."'' They named their new city Byzantium, after Byzas, their
leader, the actual date of its foundation being variously given as 667,
660, and 657 B.C.

The choice of beautiful sites for their temples and theatres by the
early Greek colonists is well known, and whether we turn to Paestum,
Taormina, Segesta, Selenunte, or Girgenti their selective genius at
once proclaims itself as we are lost in admiration first at the site as
seen from a distance and then at the view from the building itself.
But in the case under consideration nature had spoken in no uncertain
voice, and we can allow our imagination, with but little fear of error,
not only to identify what to-day is known as SeragHo Point with
the acropoHs of Byzas, but to decorate it with temples and shrines
dedicated to Demeter, Aphrodite, Zeus, Poseidon, and Apollo.
Some of its fortifications still exist, and, with Turkish repairs and
additions, support the steep sides of the SeragHo that face the Mar-
mora. Remains of a Cyclopean wall were discovered near the sea
when the railway was made in 1871, and can with but little doubt
• See, however, Cambridge Ancient History, vol. iii, p. 659.
54

t)TJ GRAND OERRAILDJ

i.yifrparte47LefLJ cLej^ jeffmhej du. (jran^\OetgrLeur

Chcunu

cLe. Gaiata^

W>m

^^^^:.

T&mflecUl ^S^Jopkie.

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

be regarded as part of the outer fortifications of the Byzantine
acropoUs.

Just outside the Third Gate (V^uncii Kapi) of the SeragHo, in the
pubHc gardens which overlook the Marmora, stands an ancient
granite column known as the Goths' Column. It is said to have once
supported a statue of Byzas. But here was situated the Theatron
Minor of Septimius Severus (a.d. 193-21 i), and in those days the
column formed part of the spina, or low dividing wall in the middle
of the amphitheatre, just as the two obelisks and the Serpent Column
once decorated the spina of the Hippodrome. In later days it was
chosen to celebrate the victories of the Emperor Claudius Gothicus
(268-270) over the Goths at Nissa, and has retained the name ever
since.

But such a site was soon bound to tempt the invader's hand, and
the Golden Horn had already proved itself a true cornucopia. About
the year 506 B.C. the settlement was destroyed by the satrap Otanes
during the reign of Darius Hystaspes. It was, however, wrested
from the Medes by the Spartan Pausanias after the famous battle of
Plataea* in 479 B.C. A period of unrest followed, Byzantium siding
in turn with the Spartans, the Rhodians, and the Athenians. In
340 B.C. it was besieged by Philip of Macedon, and, although the
situation was saved by the timely arrival of the Athenians, Byzan-
tium was soon compelled to acknowledge the Macedonian supremacy
under Alexander the Great. In succeeding centuries the city with-
stood considerable losses at the hands of the Scythians, Gauls,
Rhodians, and Bithynians. On the arrival of the Romans on the
scene Byzantium sided with Pescennius Niger against Septimius
Severus, with the result that the city was totally destroyed in a.d. 196,
after a three years' siege. Later Severus regretted having done
this, and rebuilt the city, adorning it with palaces, a theatre (as
mentioned above), a hippodrome, and baths, and giving to it the
new name of Antonina. The city, however, never fully recovered

' The world-famous Serpent Column, still standing in the Hippodrome, or Et-meidan
Square, which occupies a large part of the site to-day, is a reUc of this batde. Its three
heads (one of which is now in the museum on SeragHo Hill) supported a golden tripod,
which was a thank-offering to the temple of Apollo at Delphi from the thirty-one Greek
towns which were involved in the struggle. Their names, once visible on the coils of the
serpents, are now entirely obHterated.

THE HAREM

until it became the capital of the Roman Empire under Constantine
the Great, who dedicated this New Rome on May ii, 330. The city,
now twice the size of ancient Byzantium, was surrounded by a wall,
fora were laid out, palaces and baths were erected, and the whole was
divided up into fourteen Regions. The city was completed by
Constantius (337-361), and other additions were made by subsequent
emperors such as Valens, Theodosius I, Arcadius, Theodosius II (who
built the land- and repaired the sea-walls), Marcian, and Anastasius.
And so we come to the time of Justinian (527-565), when Sancta
'"^ Sophia was built. At this time, too, silk was introduced from

China.

The building of the numerous walls continued under HeracHus,
Leo the Armenian, Michael III, Manuel I Comnenus, and other
emperors.

With the endless sieges of the Huns, Slavs, Arabs, Bulgarians,
and Russians we are not concerned. Nor is this the place to speak of
the crusades of 1096-97 and 1147.

By the end of the twelfth century the fate of the Byzantine Empire
was sealed, and in 1203, or the Fourth Crusade, the Venetian Doge
Dandolo took Constantinople by assault. The city was sacked, and
the damage done to the Imperial palaces, which were robbed of
all their treasures, was incalculable. The famous bronze horses of
Lysippus still stand over the portico of St Mark's, in Venice. The
Latin Empire lasted till 1261, when the city was taken by Michael
Palaeologus and the Byzantine Empire restored. But its strength had
gone, and after resisting the assaults of the Turks in 1398 and S422
it finally fell on May 29, 1453, to Muhammad II, the Conqueror,
and the last of the Emperors of the East, Constantine Dragases,
perished heroically on the ramparts.

Even from this hurried survey of the vicissitudes that fell to
the lot of Constantinople until it became the capital of the Otto-
man Empire it is possible to get some slight idea of the continual
destruction and rebuilding that went on in the city: and we can
well understand how Seraglio Point would suffer most of all, and
appreciate how difficult, if not impossible, it would be for the
archaeologist to sort out the composite ruins and arrange what
remained in its right chronological order.

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

2. The Walls and Kiosks

But the story of the ruins is not completed, for we still have the
Turkish buildings, restorations, and adaptations to consider. In order
to do this it will be necessary to examine the sea- and land-walls,
which enclose the whole of the promontory, in detail. The gates
and kiosks will also demand our attention, and so in time we shall
come to the First Court of the Seraglio itself.

The capture of Constantinople by Muhammad II was merely the
climax to a gradual westward movement of the Seljuk Turks and
their efforts to establish a capital in Europe.

The first Sultan ' of the Ottoman Turks, Osman I (1288-1326),
died shortly after receiving news of the fall of Brusa, and with it
the knowledge that his victorious son Orkhan (1326-59) would
make Brusa his capital and continue the career of conquest which he
himself had inaugurated. Orkhan successfully carried on the work
of his father. Not only had he driven the Byzantines from their last
stronghold in Asia, but he had invaded Europe, and opened the way
for his son Murad I (1359-89) to transfer the seat of his government
to Thrace permanently. This he did after th^ battle of Maritza in
1363, and three years later Adrianople became the new capital of the
Empire. At this period it was the custom of the Sultans to maintain
a personal bodyguard recruited from the sons of conquered Christians,
and in later days the idea developed into the creation of the corps
of the janissaries, destined to play such an important and terrible part
in the future history of the Empire. Its foundation has almost
universally been attributed to Orkhan, but in the light of recent
research we can no longer accept so early a date (see, further, p. 89).

During the reigns of Bayezid I, Muhammad I, and Murad II the
European conquests were further extended, until fmally Muhammad II
took Constantinople itself. Thus, after being at Adrianople for nearly
ninety years, the seat of government moved to the shores of the
Bosphorus.

Almost at once Muhammad returned to Adrianople to prepare

' We can call him 'Sultan' for convenience, but actually he styled himself simply
'Emir,' like rulers of several petty states in Asia Minor. Orkhan was the first ruler to
assume the title of ' Sultan.'

THE HAREM

for his attack against Serbia. But before doing so he looked for
a suitable spot in Constantinople to build a palace which would be
ready for him on his return. For one reason or another none of the
existing palaces was suitable, through either bad state of repair or
unfavourable position. Like Rome, the city was built on seven hills,
and on the Third Hill, which had formerly been occupied by the
Forum of Taurus, or Theodosius, the Conqueror chose to build his
palace. Authorities are not agreed on the date of its completion,
but it was in all probability ready for habitation the following year,
1454, though possibly not completed until 1457. The exact number
of years that the Sultan lived in the Palace is also disputed, but it
would appear to be about ten. During this period it had become
evident that the Palace was not large enough to be used both as a
private and as an official residence, especially with the continual
expansion of the newly formed Palace School. The desire for greater
seclusion was also very possibly a determinative factor. At any rate
a new site was sought where there would be plenty of room for
expansion, where absolute privacy could be assured, and where
strong fortification would be simple. The ideal spot which at once
presented itself was the site of the Byzantine acropoHs on the First
Hill.

Work commenced in 1459, and the new palace was completed in
1465. It was called the Yeni Sarayi (or Serai), or New Palace, in
contradistinction to what was now the Eski Sarayi, or Old Palace. I
have already (p. 17) referred to the various names given to the New
Palace at different times and the muddle that resulted from repeated
changes.

The first thing to be done to ensure complete seclusion was to
build a strong inner wall round the apex of the hill which the Palace
itself was to occupy, and cut off the whole of the Seraglio area from
the rest of the city by a high land-wall running right across the hill
from the Golden Horn to the Sea of Marmora.

Protection from the sea — that is to say, on the Marmora coast —
was already well provided for, as the ancient Byzantine sea-walls
ran right round Seraglio Point, past the southern base of the acropoHs,
and straight on till they joined the great land-wall of Theodosius at
the Seven Towers. The section of this sea-wall which embraces the

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

Seraglio was almost entirely built at the time of Septimius Severus,
and extended as far as the present lighthouse — that is to say, to a
point almost exactly in a line with the great double gate which led
into the First Court of the SeragHo itself— the Imperial Gate, or
Bab-i-Humayun. From the lighthouse the sea-wall was continued
westward by Constantine the Great, the last portion near the Seven
Towers being the work of Theodosius II. It will thus be seen
that as early as the fourth century the whole of the seaboard was
fully protected by a strong wall. Particular care was taken to build
these walls so near the sea that the waters lapped their bases, thus
affording no landing beaches for raiders, and at the same time allow-
ing the strong currents to act as a further protection . Time had proved
that sufficient protection to the coast was now acquired, and that
the only danger to be constantly feared was from earthquakes and
tempests.

The Byzantine emperors were careful to repair the walls whenever
such eventuahties occurred, and restorations were made by Justinian,
Leo the Isaurian, Theophilus, Michael II, and Manuel Comnenus.
Thus it can be fairly safely concluded that when Muhammad the
Conqueror commenced building his New Palace he found the sea-
walls in a comparatively good state of repair.

In 1509, only twenty-eight years after his death, an earthquake
occurred, damaging the walls badly. They were, however, immedi-
ately repaired by Bayezid II, and again by subsequent Sultans as
occasion demanded.

The point on the Marmora where the new land-wall across the
acropolis met the ancient sea-wall was in a direct line with Sancta
Sophia. It lay almost midway between two gates (to which we shall
return later) — the Balik Hane Kapi, Gate of the Fish-house, and the
Akhor Kapi, or Stable Gate.

From, here the land-wall runs up the hill in an eastward curve to
the Imperial Gate. It has but one opening, the Kara Kapi, better
known as the Giilhane Kapi, as it led towards the hospital of the same
name. There are ten towers in this section of the wall. On the far
side of the Imperial Gate the wall continues till it reaches the bottom
of the hill, where it turns at right angles at the charming little Alai
Kiosk, which faces the SubUme Porte (now nearly in ruins) across

THE HAREM

the road. At the time of its building there were six towers in this
section, but only five remain to-day, owing to the sixth's being
removed to make way for the gate (leading to the Seraglio park, now
open to the public) known as the Soguk Qe§me Kapi, or Gate of the
Cool Fountain. This is said to have been built by Sultan Ibrahim
about 1645. When the park was ceded to the Prefecture by
Muhammad V in 19 13 the gate was nearly destroyed by the Prefect
in his efforts to allow greater movement of traffic. Luckily this step
was prevented, and two small side-gates were opened up to meet
the difficulty.

But we must return to the Marmora coast and consider the gates
and kiosks in their proper order, beginning at Seraglio Point itself
and gradually working round the Marmora till we come to the
Akhor Kapi, and then continuing over the hill and right round to the
Golden Horn, and so back again to Seragho Point.

As we start at the very point of the promontory the first gate to
be considered is that which gave its name, and among the Turks
still does, to the Seragho itself— the Topkapi, or Cannon Gate. No
sign of it remains to-day, nor of the kiosk which stood next it. But
of this I shall speak a Httle later. As is only to be expected, a gate,
of one sort or another, always occupied this most important point.
No details, or even the name, of any ancient propylceum or gate that
must have once graced this site are known. In Christian times
there was a gate dedicated to the patron saint of armourers and
gunsmiths — St Barbara. Her protection was also especially sought
against lightning. It is not known whether it occupied the very
point of the peninsula or not, but in Turkish times the Topkapi was
quite considerably towards the Marmora side. In fact, from the
Golden Horn one would only see the tops of the towers among the
trees. The date of the building of the Topkapi can be roughly given
as the middle of the fifteenth century. The gate figures in all the
early maps, where it appears as a very simple structure piercing the
walls without any towers or other embellishments. It would seem
to be the gate referred to by Pierre Gilles (1550) as the one standing
"to the North of the Seraglio, towards the Bay."'

» Dr Miller {Beyond the Sublime Porte, p. 144) is surely mistaken when she imagines
Gilles to be describing the Topkapi at pp. 39-40 of his Antiquities of Constantinople (London,

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

To the north-west it was guarded by the Church of St Demetrius,
another military saint, and was therefore sometimes styled by the
Greeks, after the Turkish Conquest, the Gate of St Demetrius.^
Being on the eastern shore of the city, it was also called the Eastern
Gate, while in several of the Italian maps it appears as the Porta
de isole, because it looked towards the Princes' Islands. From the
seventeenth century onward it was flanked by two round towers
with conical tops, and thus closely resembled the Ortakapi, or Central
Gate, leading into the Second Court of the SeragHo (see p. 97). In
Grelot's time (1680) it had a portico in front right doAvn to the
water's edge, as can just be seen in his excellent engraving reproduced
opposite p. 54. His description is worth giving. After describing in
some detail the " great number of Cannons ready charg'd, and lying
levell with the water," he continues :

In the midst of these great Guns stands one of the four Gates of the
Serraglio, that is to say, the Gate which belongs to the Serraglio, call'd
Bostangi Capi. It is flank'd with two great round Towers, cover'd each
with its proper Kiosc, shadowed with two great Cypress Trees, that
grow without the Serraglio by the Sea side. At the foot of these Towers
stand two Bostangi Centinels, who are the Capigi's or Guards of the
Gate ; so that nothing can be carry'd in or our, without their permis-
sion, who do not grant it easily, unless it be to the Officers of the Serra-
glio : Besides, it is through this Gate that the Sultanesses pass, when the
Grand Signer carries them forth to accompany him in his pastimes
upon the Canal of the Black Sea, which he frequently does ; or when
they go to the Serraglio at Scutari which stands direcdy overagainst
this Gate.^

Thus at one time the gate was known as the Bostanji Kapi, or
Gate of the Gardeners. This is not at all surprising, as the bostanji ,
to the number of about 400, were employed in all kinds of manual

1729) when he says: " The second [gate] stands upon the Ridge of a Hill: 'Tis very large,
has a Porch with an arch'd Roof before it, is gilded, and adom'd in a surprising manner
with Persian Paintings, supported with Pillars of Ophitick Marble, and looks into the
Bospoms." This sounds more like the Marmor Kiosk, next the Topkapi. It might well
give the impression of an elaborate gate, especially as several gates, like the Imperial Gate,
had considerable-sized rooms built over them.

' See Alexander van Milhngen, Byzantine Constantinople (London, 1899), p. 249.

* Relation nouvelle d'un voyage de Constantinople (Paris, 1680). This is from p. 73 of the
1683 English translation, and from p. 86 of the French 1680 edition, where we are told
further that the guards were " bostangis ou jardiniers."

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labour on the shores of the Marmora, as well as merely gardening.
Their chief, the Bostanji-bashi, was a highly important personage,
his powers were considerable, and his favour was greatly sought
after. The hostanji were all ajem-oghlans, foreign and untrained youths,
to a large extent recruits for the corps of janissaries. Their employ-
ment as guards, gardeners, rowers, wood-cutters, kitchen men, etc.,
was merely part of the training to strengthen their bodies for their
future hfe in the army, and to make them ejfficient in some trade
useful in time of war. When at its height the corps formed the fmest
army in the world, and was, moreover, the first standing army known
in Europe since Roman times. By the time of Suleiman they num-
bered some 40,000, but the strictness of the order soon became
relaxed, and with the permission of marriage and the acceptance of
their sons into the ranks, mutiny, extortion, and other excesses led
to an appalling abuse of power not to be crushed until Mahmud II
abolished the corps by a wholesale massacre. Of all this more in
another chapter. But revenons a nos moutons.

In front of the Cannon Gate two Imperial caiques were always
moored, in which the hostanji would act as rowers to convey the
Sultan up the Bosphorus, to the Princes' Islands, or on any other
pleasure trip he might wish to enjoy. Immediately next the Cannon
Gate on the Golden Horn side was the Marble Kiosk, built, according
to Gurlitt, in 15 18 by the Defterdar Abd es-Selam. Although the
date is not defmite, we can regard this kiosk as the earhest built
by the Turks on SeragHo Point for ceremonial purposes. In Melling's
drawing' it appears as a rectangular building raised on arches or
pillars, with two rows of windows and a fairly flat roof without a
cupola or other decoration. In the text it is described as being sup-
ported by twelve columns of verd-antique.

This is very like another description given by Sieur du Loir, who,
without mentioning any names, says :

There is also on the sea-board one of those pavilions which the Turks
call Kiosks, supported by twelve beautiful marble columns, and en-
riched with a magnificent ceihng [Lambris, which can mean a flat or
vaulted ceiling, as well as panelling or dado] painted in the Persian

' Voyage pittoresque de Constantinople (Paris, 1819), No. 24 in the volume of text. No. 9
in the volume of plates.

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

Style, where the Grand Seigneur comes at times to take the air and
enjoy the view of the harbour.^

I have been unable to discover the date of its destruction, but it still
appears in 1840 maps of Constantinople. It probably underwent
considerable alterations when the Summer Palace was built in 1709-
1809. As a fire entirely destroyed the whole Palace in 1862-63 ^^^
the railway was built eight years later, we can conclude that anything
left by the one was entirely eradicated by the other.

A short way round the Point on the Marmora side was a kiosk
built for the use of the Bostanji-bashi. In Grelot's drawing of it ^ —
i.e., in his other engraving, of the Marmora side, not that reproduced
in the present work — it presents an uneven fa9ade, being broken
in the centre by a square tower similar to the famous SeragHo tower,
only much smaller. The chief rooms were on the first floor, there
being two windows each side of the tower. All this low-lying part of
SeragHo Point underwent a great change when in 1709 Ahmed III
decided to build a summer palace here. Being so near the Cannon
Gate, it was most confusingly called the Top Capu Sarayi (see p. 17).
It was continued by Mahmud I (1730-54), after which time it was
Httle used. It was, however, renovated and added to by Abd ul-
Hamid I (1774-89), and during the reign of SeHm III (1789-1807)
Antoine Melling made several further additions. We can therefore
accept his plan of it as the most correct in existence.

The best account of the Summer Palace is undoubtedly that by
F. C. Pouqueville,^ who visited it under the expert guidance of the
Austrian Head Gardener and M. MeUing himself. With the latter's
plan before us it is easy to follow the description of Pouqueville,
from which I herewith give selections. Being admitted by the Mill
Gate (or Degirmen Kapi, to which I shall refer again shortly), he
made his way into the New Garden, laid out on the Schonbrunn
pattern by Jacob Ensle,the gardener, or "Jaques," as Pouqueville calls
him. The party proceeded along the shore side to the New Kiosk,

' Voyage (Paris, 1654), p. 43.

* Relation nouvelle, pp. 71-72 of the English edition.

' Travels in the Morea, Albania, and other Parts of the Ottoman Empire, translated from
the French (of 1805) by Anne Plumptre (London, 1813), pp. 324-335. For a long;jr^m
of the original edition see Boucher de la Richarderie, Biblioth^que universelle des voyages
(Paris, 1808), tome ii, pp. 242-267.

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the three steps in semicircular form which lead to it making a pro-
jection on the garden side.

Instead of a door, a large painted canvass hanging from the roof Hke
a curtain closes the entrance of the Kiosque, giving it in this part the
appearance of a tent. We put it aside to enter, and I was most agree-
ably surprised at the elegance of the interior. It is of an elliptical form,
the largest diameter being thirty-six feet ; this runs from the curtain to
the windows, which look upon the sea. The painting round the sides
was executed by Europeans; it represents a colonnade, the cornices
being richly painted, and gilt with great taste ; in the intervals between
the columns are glasses, and some paintings of flowers which seemed
well preserved. . . . The Sultan's sofa was placed on the side next the
sea, but had nothing remarkable in it; and there was a fountain of
crystal, from which flowed very fine clear water, destined for the
ablutions.

The floor was covered with painted cloth, a new fashion in the
Seraglio, according to Melling. They then traversed a terrace about
fifty feet long and twelve feet broad, ending in a bastion commanding
a fme view of the port as well as the harem. A staircase in the garden
led to a subterranean kiosk under the New Kiosk, and also connected
with little iron gates by which a hasty escape could be made to the
Marmora. Towards the north end of the garden was the Golden
Gate, leading by a gentle descent to the harem gate on the right, and
on the left to an iron gate which led to a raised garden terrace looking
down on the larger garden below — i.e., via the "Montee douce" in
Melling's plan. At the end of this terrace was situated a gallery
called "Hassan Pasha's Kiosk":

It is entirely open to the east, both in its length and height. The
ceihng is remarkable by the load of gilding, and by glasses which are
fixed into it in such a way that the surrounding objects are reflected
on every side.

It was, however, neglected, and the swallows had built their nests
in the cornices.

After a first disappointment PouqueviUe got into the harem. When
he had entered by the harem gate

the enormous size of the key and the noise made by the gate grating
upon its hinges, united with the sohtude and sacredness of the place,

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

seemed at first to strike us all with a sort of awe.^ Twelve feet away
was a second gate — of wood, and between the two gates was the apart-
ment of the female slaves on the first floor ["Log. des Odahsques" in
the plan]. It is a vast gallery three hundred feet in length, forty-five in
breadth, and twenty in height, with a range of windows on each side,
and divided down the whole length by a double row of closets, painted
some red, some blue, some white, forming two distinct ranges one
above the other, and in these the slaves keep whatever property they
have. Near the windows are Httle spaces surrounded with a balustrade
three feet high, and furnished with sofas on which the Odahscas sleep,
in parties of fifteen each.

Provision was made for 300 women in all. A staircase at the end
of the gallery and closed by folding trapdoors led to the courtyard
below. The kitchens were also in this part of the harem. The court-
yard stretched in a north-easterly direction, with a colonnade facing
the sea, while the sultanas' pavilions were on the opposite side. At the
farther end of the court were the apartments of the Kislar Agha and
the black eunuchs under his control. There was an inner courtyard
connecting at its farthest point with the Marmor Kiosk and the
Cannon Gate. It gave entrance to the rooms of the First Kadin and
the Sultan VaHde; "the cornices were loaded with gilding and the
walls with glasses," but most of the furniture had been removed to
the new palace of Beshiktash, on the Lower Bosphorus. The beauty
of the baths made a great impression on Pouqueville. They appear
to have resembled those I shall describe in the winter harem in a later
chapter.

I have given considerable space to the Summer Palace because very
few accounts exist,^ and that by Pouqueville should be read with
Melling's plan as a guide, and this I have specially reproduced in its
original scale. Besides which the history of the Seraglio would be
incomplete without some account of the Summer Palace.

' I fully appreciate his feelings, and experienced diem myself after ascending the worn
wooden stairs in the har^tn proper and standing in sUence gazing at the heavily barred
bedroom of the har^m girls, a spot so sacred and teeming with such romance that when
I found my voice it was but a whisper.

* Cf. that by E. D. Clarke, the mineralogist and travelling tutor, in Travels in Various
Countries of Europe, Asia, and Africa (London, 1812), Part II, section i, pp. 13-28. See
also J. von Hammer, Constantinopolis, I, pp. 306-321, with conventional plan facing p. 308 ;
C. Gurhtt, "Der Serai in Konstantinopel" [Beitrdge zur Kenntniss des Orients (1915), xii,
pp. 31-63).

E 65

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We must now return to the sea-wall and continue our inspection
of the gates and kiosks. I shall also give some description of the
recently discovered remains of the Mangana, or Imperial arsenal
buildings.

As we have already seen, Pouqueville entered the Summer Palace
through the Degirmen Kapi, about 300 yards south of it. It is, then,
this gate which I shall now describe. It is a small, unpretentious one
dating from Byzantine times, but both its original Greek name and
the purpose of its erection are unknown. In Turkish times it served
a hospital built against the walls for the staff of the Seraglio, as well
as a small mosque near by. Both remain to-day, but are in a sad
state of ruin, owing to the fact that the railway line has quite cut
them off from the rest of the acropohs buildings. Here also was the
Imperial mill and bakery, which remained in active use for members
of the Seraglio until in 1616 Ahmed I built the one in the First
Court, which appears in Melling's interesting drawing reproduced
opposite p. 86 of the present work. This gate, then, has been called
both Hastalar Kapi (also written Hastalar Capoussou, Khastalar Qapusi,
etc.), or Hospital Gate, and Degirmen Kapi {Deyirman Qapu, De'irmen
Kapoussi, etc.), or Gate of the Mill. In order to obtain a satisfactory
impression of this stretch of the walls, with the Hospital Gate and
m.osque as a central point, it is necessary not only to view it from the
terrace of the Seragho below the Goths' Column, but also to inspect
it from the sea side in a small boat, which can easily be hired at the
New Bridge.

Behind the Hastalar Kapi on the land side, in the low-lying space
between the walls and the base of the acropohs, was once the
Kynegion, the amphitheatre built by Septimius Severus at the end
of the second century, and used chiefly for the exhibition of wild
beasts, but under later emperors as a place of execution. Thus, with
the Theatron Minor, the Byzantine acropolis had two theatres built
against its steep eastern slopes, just as the Athenian acropolis had the
Theatre of Dionysos and the Odeion of Herodes Atticus built against
its southern slopes.

To-day the site of the Kynegion is an allotment, bounded on the
seaward side by the railway line.

The next gate, which hes a little farther south, is, in its present form

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

at any rate, a Turkish erection. It seems, however, quite possible
that it replaced a Byzantine gate, especially when we consider that
we are now approaching the district of the Mangana, or mihtary
arsenal, built by Constantine. Not a trace of it remains to-day, and
until quite recently its site was Httle more than a matter of con-
jecture. But owing to certain excavations carried out in 1921-22
we are able to place it somewhere very close to this Turkish gate,
known by the name of Demir Kapi, the Iron Gate, which naturally
must not be confused with the land gate of the same name that gave
entrance to the Seragho gardens on the west. In his deservedly
famous work Byzantine Constantinople Alexander van Millingen says
that the Mangana must have stood between the Gate of St Barbara
and the Hospital Gate. The sole reason he can give is that Nicetas
Chroniates (Acominatus), the Byzantine pohtician and chronicler,
says that it faced the rocky islet off the opposite Scutari shore on
which to-day is Leander's Tower. Such deduction is of little value,
as we have no idea what Nicetas meant by the expression "faced."
It depends on how you chance to be standing and looking. Leander's
Tower is not exactly opposite even the extreme point of the Seragho
shore ; still less is it opposite the gates farther to the south. But, on
the other hand, it is clearly visible from any point on the adjacent
coast as far as the modem hghthouse, so that any gate or building in
the district could be said to "face" the tower, merely because as one
looked out towards the Bosphorus this was the one point that stood
out as a landmark. Nicetas tells us further that (in the twelfth century)
Manuel Comnenus built two towers, one on the rock and the other
on the mainland opposite, " very close to the Monastery of Mangana."
The towers were joined by a chain as a protection to the Bosphorus.
The acropolis tower exists to-day close to the Demir Kapi, while
the site of the monastery, known as St George of the Mangana, was
discovered in 192 1 a little farther south, just on the landward side
of the modern railway. A series of basements and a large cistern
surmounted by sixteen cupolas supported by great pillars of masonry
were revealed. Bird designs in an adjoining vaulted roof proclaim
the work of Byzantine masons. The church, together with a convent
at the southern end, was built by Constantine IX Monomacus (1042-
1054), and received its name from its proximity to the Mangana.

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Immediately to the south of the monastery stood the Palace of the
Mangana, of which the foundations were discovered in 1921. They
proved to be elaborate, consisting of a large central cistern with
thirty cupolas supported by a double row of marble and granite
pillars. The unusual depth of these foundations appears to have been
necessary to ensure a view of the coast over the high sea-walls. The
palace was built by Basil I (867-886) and destroyed by Isaac II
Angelus at the end of the twelfth century to obtain material for his
own buildings.

But where was the Mangana itself? Having now fixed the sites of
the Mangana Tower, Monastery, and Palace, we can surely deter-
mine that of the Mangana by studying the map. The only space
sufficiently large for an Imperial military arsenal, and fitting in with
all recent discoveries, is that lying between the tower and the
monastery; and there (with Professor Mamboury) we must place
it without hesitation. This also helps to explain the presence of
several small closed-up Byzantine gates in the sea-wall near the
Demir Kapi.

As we continue along the walls a ruinous facade will soon be
noticed. It consists of a door with a window above it and a niche
each side. This is all that remains of the church of St Saviour, built
by Alexius Comnenus (1081-1118). Immediately to the south are
the ruins of the kiosk built by Sinan Pasha, the Grand Vizir of
Murad III, in 1582. To Europeans it was always known as the Kiosk of
Pearls [Injili Kd§ku).^ The ruins consist of a substructure built against
the exterior of the walls and forming several arcades. Through
these buttresses the water of a holy spring (^ Ay laa-fia) within the city
was conducted to the outer side of the walls, and thus rendered
accessible to the Christians of the Greek Orthodox Church, who
sought the benefit of its healing virtues. This was the holy spring of
the church of St Saviour, celebrated as a fountain of health long
before the Turkish conquest.^ Many writers ^ have described the

' A good engraving of the Kiosk of Pearls appears in Comte de Choiseul-Gouffier,
Voyage pittoresque de la Grke (Paris, 1 782-1 822), vol. ii, Plate 72. Cf. also those of Melling,
Voyage pittoresque de Constantinople (No. 7 in the text), and A. L. Castellan, Lettres sur la
Moree, I'Hellespont, et Constantinople (second edition, Paris, 1820), vol. ii, Plate 40.

* Van Millingen, Byzantine Constantinople, p. 253.

' Gilles, Antiquities of Constantinople, p. 40; Th^venot, Travels into the Levant (London,

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

curious scenes witnessed on the festival of Transfiguration. The
Sultan himself would sometimes view them from a window in the
kiosk, watching the sick being buried up to the neck in the sand as a
method of cure. To the south of the kiosk, which was destroyed
by the railway in 1871, the wall has fallen down by the side of a
small gate, the name of which is unknown ; inside it is the entrance
to a vast basement which constituted the interior passage of this
section of the walls. At low tide a walk along the shore will reveal
six gates which belonged to numerous convents, the most important
being those of St Lazarus and St Mary Hodighitria. A small Turkish
fountain built in the reign of Ahmed I bars further progress in this
direction.' It was in the neighbourhood of St Lazarus that the Topi,
remains of a tier of seats (possibly one of the theatres of Septimius
Severus), was found. The polo-ground (Tzycanisterion) of the
Great Palace was also in the vicinity, and marked the eastern Hmits
of Constantine's palace. Finally, the famous baths of Arcadius and
a church dedicated to the Archangel Michael stood near the Topi.
Thus the whole area is an architectural pahmpsest indeed !

Between the Injili Kd§ku and the outer walls of the Second Court
of the Seragho it will be noticed in MeUing's plan that there is a
large rectangular space marked as " Place et Batiment du Dgirid."
This was the playing-field for the game o£jertd, or wooden javelin-
throwing, and stood near the site of the Nea, or New Church of
Basil the Macedonian. Melling gives an engraving of the game in
play, not actually in this particular field, but the one at the archery
ground (Ok-meidan) near the Sweet Waters of Europe {Kiat Khanet),
at the far end of the Golden Hom.^ From this, and other drawings
of the period,^ it will be seen that the javelins resemble in size and
shape ordinary wooden broom-handles, about three feet eight inches

1687), p. 23 ; Grelot, Relation nouvelk, p. 71 of the English edition; and in more recent
times von Hammer, Constantinopolis, I, p. 236 et seq., and Constantius, Ancient and Modem
Constantinople (i868), p. 26.

' E. Mamboury, Tourists* Guide to Constantinople (Constantinople, 1924), p. 462. See
also van Millingen, Byzantine Constantinople, pp. 256-257.

2 Voyaqe pittoresque de Constantinople, No. 24 in the volume of text, No. 17 in the
volume of plates.

3 See, for example, Choiseul-Gouffier, Voyage pittoresque de la Grece, vol. i, Plate no,
and text pp. 170-171 ; d'Ohsson, Tableau general de Vempire Ottoman (3 vols., Paris, 1787-
1820), the double plate 171, between pp. 332 and 333 of vol. iii.

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ill length. With continual practice they could be hurled by a rider
(every one was mounted) with perfect aim at the head of the
opponent, often causing considerable bodily harm, and sometimes
even death. As the drawings show, enormous interest was taken in
important matches, and numerous elaborate tents were pitched round
the field, and crowds of janissaries and others were in attendance.
Grooms, servants, doctors, swelled the throng, and a band of some
twenty performers added to the general liveliness. Dr Miller gives
us some useful information about the game.^ It is described as a
mock battle in which mounted horsemen threw wooden darts at
each other. It was a prominent feature of Royal entertainment in
the Hippodrome at least as early as the second half of the sixteenth
century, but achieved its greatest popularity during 1650-1700. It
was finally abohshed by Mahmud II, together with the corps of
janissaries, in 1826. A point of considerable interest, not mentioned
by Dr Miller, is the connexion that appears to have existed between
the Turkish naming of the rival parties in the game ofjertd and that
employed in the time of Justinian in the old Byzantine hippodrome.
In those days the rival parties were known respectively as the Blues
and the Greens, and the emperors were afFihated to one or the other.

The Turks took their party names from vegetables — bahmia, a
green pulpy pod, and lahana, a cabbage — the opposing teams being
known as Bahmiaji and Lahanaji. The Sultans also sided with one or
the other. Thus Mahmud II belonged to the former, while Selim III
was a supporter of the cabbage men.^ For the thrilling history, with
all its political significance, of the Blues and Greens I may refer
readers to Procopius.^

The Kiosk of Pearls lies almost exactly half-way between the
Cannon Gate and the Fish-house Gate, which was situated just inside
the Seragho enclosure, where the land and sea gates meet. As its
name at once implies, the Fish-house Gate, or Balik Hane Kapi,
was so called because it led to the quarters of the fishermen in the
service of the Seraglio, whose sheds were built here close to the sea.

' MacdonaU Presentation Volume, pp. 305-324. See also "William Harbome, Turkey,
Public Records Office, State Papers, Foreign, vol. i, entry July 25, 1582, quoted by Dr
Miller.

* C. White, Three Years in Constantinople (London, 1845), vol. i, p. 301.

3 Especially to the fine translation by H. B. Dewing issued (1935) in the Loeb Classics.

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

In R. Walsh's Constantinople and the Scenery of the Seven Churches of
Asia Minor ' there is an illustration by T. Allom of the Balik Hane,
which shows clearly the fish-stage erected for arresting the shoals of
fish. In the foreground of the picture is a boat into which some of
the fishermen have dragged, not their nets, but a dead body, this
being the spot from which State criminals were thrown. Why the
Royal fishing area should be chosen just here is hard to imagine!
Quoting from an article by Abd ur-Rahman Shirif Efendi,^ Dr
Miller relates an interesting custom connected with the gate. It was,
she says,^ to this gate that a deposed Vizir, or Chief Black Eunuch,
was secretly conducted immediately following his degradation. In
the event of a sentence of death there was the very curious practice
of a race between the Head Gardener of the Palace, who was also
the Chief Executioner, and the condemned — hterally a race of Hfe
and death. If the Vizir succeeded in arriving at the Fish-house
Gate first he was accorded sanctuary within the gate, and the sentence
commuted to exile. The last to escape death in this manner was the
Grand Vizir Haji Salih Pasha in 1822-23. If, on the other hand, the
deposed official found the Head Gardener awaiting him upon his
arrival at the gate he was then and there summarily executed and his
body cast into the sea.

The Balik Hane Kapi has been identified by Constantius* with
the Postern of Michael the Protovestarius, by which Constantine
Ducas entered in 913 on his attempt to usurp the throne. Consider-
able doubt, however, must be entertained before that assumption
can be accepted. ^

A short way south, and at a distance from outside the land-wall
corresponding to that of the Balik Hane Kapi from inside the wall,
was the Akhor (also spelled Achour, Ahour, Ahir, etc.) Kapi, or Gate of
the Stables. Its ancient name is unknown, but as the marble stables
erected by Michael III (842-867) were in the vicinity it is at least
possible that there was a stable gate here in Byzantine days. The
Sultan's mews lay a short distance inland, and are clearly shown in

' London, 1839 (?), p. 40.

* No. V in the Tarikhi Osmani Enjumeni Mejmunsi.
3 Beyond the Sublime Porte, p. 145 and p. 250 n. 31.

* Ancient and Modern Constantinople, p. 23.

* Van Millingen, Byzantine Constantinople, pp. 260-261.

THE HAREM

Melling's plan. They were known as the Buyiik Akhor, or Great
Stables, in contradistinction to the Privy Stables, in the Second Court
of the Seragho. The number of horses kept here varied between 2000
and 4000. They belonged chiefly to members of the Palace School.

Passing on up the hill, we come to the Gulhane Kapi (to which
reference has already been made at p. 59), and, continuing along the
outside of the wall past seven more towers, we fmally arrive on the
summit at the Imperial Gate, or Bab-i-Humayun. I shall give a short
description of this gate when discussing the First Court in the next
chapter.

We continue along the walls in a northerly direction, and the main
gate leading into the Seraglio gardens soon appears. As already
mentioned, it is called the Gate of the Cool Fountain, or Fountain
of Cold Water — in modem Turkish Soguk (^e§me Kapi, and formerly
written Sughuq (or Souk) Chesmeh Kapusi (or Kapou). It was built
in the middle of the seventeenth century by Ibrahim, and repaired
during the reign of Abd ul-Hamid II. It has no particular architec-
tural importance, and has been very considerably altered in course
of time. On entering and turning sharply to the left we fmd a slope
which leads up to the Alai, or Procession, Kiosk. The proximity of
this building to the Gate of the Cool Fountain has given it the alter-
native name the Procession Gate.

The Alai Kiosk is built in the most westerly angle of the Seraglio
wall, which at this point turns east towards the Golden Horn almost
at right angles. I have been unable to discover the date of the original
kiosk built on this site, but there appears to have been one here from
early in the sixteenth century similar in size and general construction
to the present one, but round instead of polygonal. From inside the
kiosk there is an excellent view in all directions, while a stone thrown
directly ahead would land in the grounds of the Grand Vizir's
Palace — the Subhme Porte as it was at one time. It is indeed a
gazebo in its true meaning, and it would be hard to imagine a better
place for viewing passing processions. To-day it is put to many
practical uses, and when last I visited it an exhibition of modem
pictures covered its walls. Many tales are told of the purposes to
which it was put in bygone days. Intended primarily as a meeting-
place for the Sultan and his cortege prior to the weekly visit to the

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

mosque on Fridays, it was used by Murad IV as a vantage point
from which to practise his prowess with the arquebus on the passers-
by. When popular indignation began to express itself on this par-
ticular pastime of the Sultan the Royal ' bag ' was limited to ten heads
per diem !

The kiosk also served for pubhc audiences in emergencies, when
the petitioners would gather in the street below, each keeping at a
safe distance from the other. Thus in the revolt of the janissaries in
1655 the Sultan was forced to appear at the window of the Alai
Kiosk to hear the complaints of the soldiers, and in order to save his
own head cast headlong into the street the strangled bodies of the
Chief Black and White Eunuchs, while on the following day the
bodies of nearly all the other principal ministers were handed to
the janissaries as a peace offering by the terrified Sultan.

Dr Miller would credit the existence of another, and earlier, Alai
Kiosk " on the shore of the Golden Horn near the angle of the land
and sea walls."' Her evidence seems to me to be based on misunder-
standings of her references, and possibly, with Grelot (see below),
the muddhng up of alai with yali, the point being that the very
spot she selects for the earher Alai Kiosk is that occupied in all maps
and diagrams by the Yah, or Shore, Kiosk. Let us take the words
themselves first. The modem Turkish for 'procession' is alay.
Other spellings of the word are alaj, alai, aylai, aylay.

Now in the case of yali there is greater variation. The modern
Turkish is yali. Other forms are ialy, iali, jaly, yalli, ialai, while
Melling uses the form "Yaly" in his text and "lali" in his plan. It
will thus be seen how alike the two words have at times become. In
a note on the passage in question Dr Miller remarks, with apparent
surprise, that in Melling's plan the Procession Kiosk has disappeared
and only the Yah Kiosk is shown. I maintain that this latter was the
only kiosk built there. She also quotes Grelot, Hill, Du Loir, and
ChishuU, but not one of these writers mentions an Alai Kiosk in
his text. Grelot marks an "Alaikiosc" in his map — an obvious
misprint for " lalaikiosc " or some similar form of " Yali Kiosk."
He gives only one other facing Galata: the "Sinan Kiosc." Thus
the mistake was only in the name, not in the number of buildings.
* Beyond the Sublime Porte, p. 147.
73

THE HAREM

So too in the engravings of Choiseul-GoufFier,' d'Ohsson,^ and
Melling.3 Another reUable writer, Comidas de Carbognano,
enumerates all the kiosks on the SeragHo promontory, but gives
only two, Sinan and Yah, as facing Galata. But when dealing with
the 'Alaj,' as he spells it, he is very clear and decisive:

It forms a tower on a partition wall of the SeragHo, about lOO paces
distant from the Porte, whence the Grand Signer watches quite alone
the pubHc processions and cavalcades.

Nothing could be clearer or more exact, for the Porte, as the Imperial
Gate was called, was only a few miuutes' walk up the hill. If, how-
ever, by " the Porte " he means the Grand Vizir's Palace across the road,
also known as the Sublime Porte, then again the distance given woidd
be satisfactory, for anyone leaving the Alai Kiosk would have to
approach the Palace via the Gate of the Cool Fountain. I shall return
to the Yah Kiosk when we come to it in the course of our circum-
ambidation of the walls. After leaving the Alai Kiosk the walls
continue due east towards the Golden Horn. Before the Iron Gate is
reached there are two small postern gates that deserve brief mention.
The first of these was named after the famous Grand Vizir SokoUi,
and the other one is known as the Gate of Sultan Suleiman. This
latter was used by Ibrahim, Grand Vizir to Suleiman for thirteen
years, when calling on the Sultan. He was strangled by the orders of
Roxelana.

The Iron Gate, or Demir Kapi, a square massive structure with
crenelated top, soon appears at the end of the road. Beyond this gate
the wall is destroyed, and we can go no farther, since a modern wall
has been built across our path hiding sheds and yards connected with
the railway. The Iron Gate was also known as the Bostanji Kapi, or
Gate of the Gardeners, for just the same reason that the Cannon Gate
bore the alternative name — because it led to the Seraglio Garden and
was chiefly used by the bostanji. It was also used by the ambassadors
visiting the Sultan. Coming by boat from Pera, they usually passed
through it and continued with their cortege to the Imperial Gate, and
so to the Ortakapi, leading to the Second Court of the SeragHo.

• Voyage pittoresque de la Grhce, Plate 77. » Tableau general, vol. iii, Plate 172.

3 Voyage pittoresque de Constantinople, No. 29 in the volume of text, No. 9 in the volume
of plates.

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

At the angle where the land- and sea-walls met was situated the
Yali Kd§ku Kapi, which is on, or near, the site of the Byzantine Gate
of Eugenius, the church of St Paul, and the tower of Eugenius. It
led direct to the seaboard where stood the Yali Kd§ku itself. Accord-
ing to engravings and descriptions that have come down to us, it
was a low-built, tent-like, octagonal building of white marble
supported by many (some accounts say fifty) marble columns with
steps leading down to the water's edge. There appear to be some
differences of opinion as to the date of its foundation. The building
has been attributed to Sinan Pasha (Grand Vizir of Murad III), who,
as we have noted, built the Kiosk of Pearls, and its date fixed as 1589.
On the other hand, it has been said to date back to the reign of
Suleiman the Magnificent (1520-66). We can, at any rate, regard
it as a sixteenth-century structure erected as a ceremonial kiosk for
the Sultan from which to review the fleet, give audience to his
admirals, and for similar functions.

Writing on his voyage of 1610, George Sandys describes the Yali
Kiosk briefly as

a sumptuous Summer-house; having a private passage made for the
time of waxed linnen, from his SerragUo : where he often solaceth him-
selfe, with the various objects of the haven : and from thence takes
Barge to passe unto the delightful! places of the adjoyning Asia.^

In the drawing at the opposite page Sandys shows the kiosk to be
hexagonal in shape with a cupola at the apex. There are eleven large
arches and rows of steps only a few feet from the water. There is no
sign of the Sinan Agha IGosk, which should have been here at this
time. A fuller account of the Yali Kiosk is to be found in a diary of
Antoine Galland,^ o{ Arabian Nights fame, extracts from which have
been given by Dr Miller. ^ Almost contemporary is Grelot's account,
which reads as foUows :

Yet all these Embellishments in the Sultannesses Kiosc [i.e., the Sinan
Agha, for which see later] are nothing in comparison to the Great HaU
or Room in the other Kiosc [the Yali]. There is nothing in the World

' A Relation of a Journey begun An: Dom: 1610 (London, 1615), p. 33.
^ Journal pendant son sejour h Constantinople (1672-1673), edit. Charles Schefer {2 vols.,
Paris, 1881). See vol. i, pp. 186-188.
3 Beyond the Sublime Porte, p. 148.

THE HAREM

that can be thought to be more noble and magnificent ; whether you
look upon the Marble, the Pillars, the Artificial Water- Works, and
stately Tapestries, the Galleries round about it, the charming Prospect
which appears on every side, or the costly gilded Fretwork of the
Ceiling, which would almost raise a mans thoughts to beheve it some-
thing of Enchantment.*

He tried in vain to " take a draught of it."

A little more than a hundred years later it was described by de
Carbognano (1794) :

At a Httle distance from the preceding one [the Sinan Agha] is the
fifth Kiosk built in the form of a tent and ornamented on all sides with
many columns, as well as in the apex of a beautiful dome. Its erection
is likewise attributed to the same Sohman I. The Sultan goes unaccom-
panied to the Kiosk on the first day of Bairam and of Kurhan Bairam ; ^
on the setting out or returning of the squadron of the Captain Pasha ; ^
and on the birth of Princes or Princesses of royal blood, especially when
there are celebrations at night with fireworks at sea,'^

Melling gives a similar description, ^ and his illustration resembles
those of Sandys and Grelot. According to Constantius^ it was
destroyed in 1861.

Quite close to the Yali was the Kiosk of Sinan Agha, built in the
sixteenth century chiefly as a summer-house for the Sultanas from
which to view the passing shipping in the Golden Horn and up the
Bosphorus.

Once more we can turn to Grelot:

The first of these Kioscs was for the Women, of which he had a good
Number. It is somewhat higher rais'd than the other, and the passage
to it from the Seraglio is such as will not admit the persons passing to
and fro to be seen. It is built from Arches all in Length, consisting of
three fair Chambers, every one adorn'd with several gilded Alcoves
fumish'd with their Sopha's or low Couches, having their Minders, or

' Relation nouvelle, p. 74 of the English edition.

* The two great festivals, the first being celebrated at the completion of the fasting
month Ramadan, the second on the loth of the last month (^Dhu-l-hijja) with sacrifices
to commemorate the ransom of Ishmael with a ram.

' This is the scene represented in d'Ohsson, Tableau general, Plate 71.

♦ Descrizione topografica dello stato presente di Constantinopoli (Bassano, 1794), p. 25.
» Voyage pittoresque de Constantinople, in the text to Plate 9.

' Ancient and Modem Constantinople, p. 11.

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

Mattresses and Cushions belonging to them, spread with rich Cover-
lets of painted Linnen and Cloth of Tissue. These Sopha's or Beds are
placed near the Windows, wherein are Lattices, through which the
Women may see and not be seen; for should they be seen, it might
be as much prejudicial to the party disco ver'd, as to him that made
the discovery.^

Comidas de Carbognano tells us it is built on eight arches and
adorned with a cupola.

I can find no information as to its destruction. Quite close were
the Seraglio boathouses, containing many Royal caiques and larger
boats richly ornamented in gold and elaborate carvings.

Between the Sinan Agha Kiosk and the boathouses was another
kiosk, not at the water's edge, but built high on the Seraglio wall,
which at this point was a considerable way inland. It was known as
the Kiosk of the Basket-makers (Sepetjiler Kd§kii — the " Dgebedgiler-
Kieuchk" of Melling's plan), and was used mainly as a means of
signalling to the fleet. It was enlarged by Sultan Ibrahim in 1643 » ^^'^
appears on Stanford's map in Murray's guide ^ as late as 1907, but in
1895 Grosvenor described it as "blackened and indescribably dirty,
affording hardly a hint of its former daintiness and importance." ^

The name of the kiosk calls for some explanation. The word
sepet means a basket, and is used to denote the baskets seen in grocery,
fruit, and druggist shops for storing the merchandise. It also refers
to baskets used by workmen for carrying tools and other small
articles. They are shaped like our rush game baskets, and are made
of split palm or broad flag leaves. Thus they differed from the
zemhil, which were light baskets with a cover and handle used for
indoor domestic purposes, and still more from the kUgiik sela, or
little baskets used in harems for preserving rice, coffee, sugar, tobacco,
cotton, etc. Yet there is no reason to believe that all these varieties
were not made by the basket-makers whose former pitch was just
below the wall kiosk that was to receive its name for the following
reason. It is said that the Sultan Ibrahim diverted himself with basket-
making, and consequently protected and granted various privileges

' Relation nouvelle, p. 74 of the English edition.

* Handbook for Travellers in Constantinople, Brusa, and the Troad.

^ Constantinople, p. 711.

THE HAREM

to the basket-makers' corporation. This called forth corresponding
gratitude on their part; so when in 1643 the Sultan rebuilt the kiosk
the basket-makers humbly petitioned to be allowed to defray a
portion of the expense. It was this fact that led to its bearing their
name.'

The only other item to mention before we reach the Cannon Gate
once again is the small Wood Gate {Odun Kapi), just near the north-
east end of the boathouses. As its name imphes, it was used for the
enormous supply of wood needed in the SeragHo for the baths,
kitchens, and general heating purposes. The supply came partly
from the Forest of Belgrade, stretching as far as the Black Sea, and
pardy from the Mediterranean. When describing the First Court we
shall see where the wood was piled, which, according to Tavemier,
amounted to " above 40,000 Cart-loads of wood, every Cart-load
being as much as two oxen can draw." According to White ^ it was
through this gate that bodies executed in the SeragHo were taken
forth and cast into the sea.

A small well and the battery are all that existed along the remainder
of this coast, and so at last we arrive again at the point of the penin-
sula, the Serai Bournou, and Cannon Gate.

Before we consider the First Court of the Seraglio mention should

be made of two kiosks in the Outer Palace, in no way connected

with the walls — the ChiniU and the Gulhane Kiosks. The Chinili, or

Tile, Kiosk is perhaps the most interesting of all the kiosks in the

Seraglio, as, apart from its archaeological and ceramic interest, it is

the one existing building that unquestionably dates from the time of

Muhammad II. It is situated in the SeragHo grounds on the Golden

Horn side, and forms part of the Museum buildings, and can best

be reached by way of the Gate of the Cool Fountain, through the

gates on the right, and straight up the slope. It then lies to the left

and faces east. Continuing to the right, you reach the First Court of

the SeragHo near the stump of the famous janissary tree. The best

pictures ^ and plans of the kiosk are to be found in Gurlitt's great

work, Die Baukunst Konstantinopels. Plate 12a gives a section and

' See white. Three Years in Constantinople, vol. i, p. 289.
* Three Years in Constantinople, vol. iii, p. 314.

^ H. G. Dwight gives a good photograph of a beautiful wall fountain in Constantinople
Old and New (New York, 1915), p. 357.

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

plan, while 12b, 12c, and I2d give views both inside and outside.
It will be seen after inspecting 12a that the plan of the kiosk is a
Greek cross, and that the re-entering angles carry a dome with
pendentives. In each of the re-entering angles there is a room sur-
mounted by a dome, and the north arm ends with a hexagonal apse.
Outside runs a fme portico the entire length of the building, supported
by fourteen columns, and surmounted by a tiled architrave, having a
stone cornice above with stelliform piercings. The front, or eastern,
fa9ade presents a single story, but the portico is some eight feet from
the ground, being reached by a double central flight of steps. There
are storerooms under the portico, entrance to which is gained directly
from the front. At the back there are two stories, each with a double
tier of windows.

The whole kiosk can be regarded as a unique exhibition of Turkish
tiles of the first period, and, quite apart from its exhibits as a museum
of ceramics, glass, etc., should be examined from that point of view
before any other.

The Director of the Seragho, Tahsin Chukru, made a special
study of Turkish tiles, and referred me, in one of my conversations
with him on the subject, to his article in the Transactions of the Oriental
Ceramic Society.^ 1 shall have occasion later to refer to it again
when discussing certain rooms in the harem and selamlik, but here I
shall confme my extract and remarks to the tiles in their bearing on
the Chinili Kiosk.

The Turkish tile industry originated in the fifteenth century,
reached its height of perfection during the sixteenth century, and died
out in the first half of the eighteenth century. Constantinople and
Brusa can illustrate the complete history from beginning to end,
and a study and comparison of their mosques, tUrbehs, madrasehs, and
kiosks is as interesting and instructive as it is pleasing and easy to
accompHsh. Turkish tiles can conveniently be divided into three
periods, the first stretching from the beginning of the fifteenth cen-
tury to the first half of the sixteenth century. The second period
ends early in the eighteenth century, when it began to decline.
After this the industry died out. An effort was made in 1725 to
revive it, and the painted tiles produced at a new factory estabHshed

' 1934, pp. 48-61.
79

THE HAREM

at Tekfur Serai constitute the third period. They cannot compare
with those of the preceding period.

The ChiniH Kiosk tiles belong to the first period, the forms of
tiles and decoration originating in Brusa at the famous Green Mosque
Ye§il Cami and neighbouring Green Tiirbeh of Muhammad I. The
colours are green, turquoise, and dark blue; the shapes are square,
rectangular, hexagonal, and triangular. The tile inscriptions are of
two kinds : those in tile mosaic and those in square tiles. The letter-
ing in both kinds is generally in white or yellow on a dark blue
ground, and the ornamental designs in the intervals of the inscrip-
tions are turquoise blue, golden yellow, and green, while the borders
also introduce white, black, and dark blue. TUes were used for both
exterior and interior of buildings, and just as glass mosaic was used as
an incrustation in stone, so earthenware tiles were set among stone-
work. Panels were also made of tiles combined with pottery.

Every variety of first-period tile is to be found in the ChiniH
Kiosk. Tahsin Chukru thus describes them :

First we come to the tilework inscription placed above the doorway
of the year a.h. 877 (a.d. 1473) ; the tile panel bearing the date is in
mosaic. On the two sides of the archway of the door the legend
"Tevekkeltu-alaUah" ("Thy reliance on Allah") is expressed by a
geometrical design formed of square tiles in turquoise light blue and
white. There are star designs amongst the dark and light blue and
white tiles decorating the surfaces above the doorway and the inscrip-
tion. The word 'Allah' is found also amongst the flowers of the tile-
work mosaic border obliquely enclosing the arcade. On either side of
the facade there are similar decorations. The rooms of the kiosk are
Hkewise decorated with the most delightful ornamentation, consisting
of hexagonal, square, triangular, and rectangular tiles in dark and Hght
blue and white. The other faces of the building are also decorated with
tiles.

Further examples of the first period of Turkish tiling may be seen
at the Chekirge mosque at Brusa (near the baths to be described in a
later chapter), the Chinili mosque at Isnik, and the mosque of the
Conqueror, the tiirbeh of Mehemed Pasha, the mosque of Sehm and
its tUrbehs, the madraseh of Hasseky, and the tiirbeh of Prince Mehemed,
son of Suleiman, at Constantinople.

Tiles of the second period will be referred to in the Harem and

THE HISTORY OF SERAGLIO HILL

Selatnlik chapters. To conclude this present chapter there remains
but to speak of the Giilhane Kiosk, situated on the Marmora side of
the SeragHo, outside the southern comer of the wall of the Second
Court near the kitchens. It has, or rather had (since it has now been
pulled down), no pretensions to beauty, and is famous only on account
of its being the scene of the Hatti Sherif, the great scheme of national
reform issued in 1839 by Abd ul-Mejid. The document declared
that the decline of the Empire during the preceding 150 years was
due to disregard of justice and law ; that hence, relying on the assist-
ance of the Almighty and the intercessions of the Prophet, the Sultan
sought by new institutions to bestow upon his provinces the benefits
of a good administration. It guaranteed security of Hfe, honour, and
property to all, a uniform and just system of taxation, and uni-
formity in conscription and military service. It is to be regretted
that national inertia and prejudice prevented fuU advantage being
taken of such a noble and honest effort to resurrect the glorious
days of Suleiman the Magnificent.^

The name of the kiosk {giil means rose) was due to the fact that in
former days rose sweetmeats were prepared here, under the personal
supervision of the Chief Confectioner, for use in the harem.

' For further details I may refer readers to Grosvenor, Constantinople, pp. 712-713,
from whose pages the above account has been taken, to White, Three Years in Constantin-
ople, vol. i, pp. 110-113, and Sir H. Luke, The Making of Modern Turkey (London,
1936), p. 49 et seq.

CHAPTER IV

THE FIRST COURT

(Jn the summit of Seraglio Hill, in the centre of the land- wall,
stands the Imperial Gate, Bah-i-Humayun, giving direct access to the
First Court, often known to Europeans as the Court of the Janis-
saries. The Imperial Gate is a massive triumphal arch of gleaming
white marble, having its outer and inner gates some fifteen yards
apart. Originally it was a two-storied structure with two rows of
windows stretching across the complete facade ; to-day there is but
a parapet of pierced marble, exactly similar to that built round the
pool in the Fourth Court and the courtyard of the Princes' Kafes, or
Cage. In Grelot's time the upper story was surmounted by " Four
httle round Towers which are like so many small round Chimneys ;
they are only for Ornament, and to show that such a Gate gives
entrance into a Royal PaUace."* In the following century the
number was reduced to two,^ while in Fossati's drawing (to which I
shall refer again) they have entirely disappeared.

On each side of the double-arched portal are mitred niches, where
the heads of important officials were exposed. Over the inner arch
are the builder's seal and a gilded inscription attributed to Mu-
hammad II, "God shall make eternal the glory of its builder; God
shall strengthen his work; God shall support his foundations."

A guard of kapici, or gatekeepers, some fifty strong, was on duty
during the day, being reinforced at night by janissaries, "in Httle
movable wooden houses on wheels, who are watchmen and notice
everything so that they can awaken those who are within and give
any warning that may be needed." ^

The First Court was of a semi-pubhc nature, and entry was refused
to nobody, whatever his rank or creed. Owing possibly to the
contour of the hiU and the great church of St Irene, the shape of the

' Relation nouveUe, p. 80 of the English edirion.
* See d'Ohsson's engraving.
5 Bon, p. 60.

THE FIRST COURT

court is irregular, and after passing through the Imperial Gate one
bears considerably to the left in order to reach the centre of the
court.

To the right were the infirmary, the Imperial bakery, and the
waterworks ; to the left the great wood-yard, the church of St Irene,^
the Imperial mint, the Privy Treasury, the Palace storehouse, and
two pavilions for members of the Outer Service. In the middle, to
the left, stood a horse fountain and the famous janissary tree, while
near the Ortakapi were two ' example stones,' on which the heads of
the decapitated were sometimes exposed, and the Fountain of Execu-
tion, in which the Chief Executioner and his assistant washed their
bloodstained hands.

One rule strongly enforced was that of silence. Nearly all travellers
have remarked on the extraordinary silence that was maintained in
the different courts with increasing degrees of intensity, until in the
Third Court it was like 'the silence of the tomb.' Writing in 155 1,
Nicolay says :

And notwithstanding the number of the people coming together
from all partes is very great, yet suche silence is kept, that yee could
scarce say that the standers by did either spit or cough. ^

And about 1700 we read in Tournefort:

Anybody may enter the first Court of the Seraglio . . . but everything
is so still, the Motion of a Fly might be heard in a manner : and if any
one should presume to raise his voice ever so Httle, or shew the least
want of Respect to the Mansion-place of their Emperor he would
instandy have the Bastinado by the Officers that go the rounds ; nay,
the very Horses seem to know where they are, and no doubt they are
taught to tread softer than in the streets.^

The famous plane-tree under which the janissaries so often over-
turned their ' kettles ' as a sign of revolt, and from the branches of which
so many have hung, is now reduced to a mere stump — in reality part of
the great hollow trunk that stood here only a few years ago — resting

' For a detailed and comprehensive account of this most interesting church (which has
never been converted into a mosque) see van MiUingen, Byzantine Churches in Con-
stantinople (London, 191 2), chapter iv.

2 Quatre premiers liures, p. 51 verso of the English and p. 66 of the French edition.

' Voyage into the Levant (London, 1741), vol. ii, p. 183.

THE HAREM

on a stone support. In 1895 it was a fine tree with enormous spread-
ing branches, as the photograph in Grosvenor's Constantinople^ will
show.

The court was unpaved save for cobbled paths leading to the
various gates and entrances of the different buildings. Important
people, such as ambassadors and certain members of the Inner Service,
could enter the court on horseback, but all had to dismount outside
the Ortakapi.

Before describing Melling*s drawing I might quote once again
from Bon (1604-7) :

What makes this Seraglio dignified and sedate is the order of its
arrangement — a fact that cannot be passed over in silence. In the first
place there is the entrance by a most spacious and noble gate with a
very roomy colonnade underneath, having a guard of about 50 men
provided with their proper arms — namely, arquebuses, bows and
arrows, and a good supply of scimitars. Having passed through this
gate, by which the Pashas and other persons of consequence may enter
on horseback, one reaches a large piazza where the courtyard is a
quarter of an Italian mile in length and about the same in width, with
a single colonnade on the left hand made to protect the horses and
servants in wet weather. On the right of the entrance to this great
courtyard is the hospital, or infirmary which serves the whole Seraglio,
being provided with all essentials ; it is in charge of a eunuch, with
various officials all allotted to the service of the patients. Opposite, on
the left side, is a very large place where timber, carts, and other articles
of manual labour are kept for the use and service of the Seraglio. Above
it is a great haU where there is a store of ancient arms such as helmets,
coats-of-mail, zacchi [gaundets ( ?)], arquebuses, and javelins, which are
used in arming the janissaries, the corporation of the arsenal, and other
residents for meeting the King or Pasha-general [Grand Vizir] when
they make their solemn entry into the city of Constantinople.^

Now in Melling's drawing of the First Court, reproduced opposite
p. 86, we are right inside the court, and consequently see neither the
Imperial Gate, nor the infirmary, nor the wood-yard. They all
appear, however, in Fossati's painting ^ (in two sheets) made about
1852, and reproduced by Dr Miller in her Beyond the Sublime Porte,*

' P. 716. » P. 61.

^ G. Fossati, Aya Sofia (Constantinople, 1852), oblong folio. Some editions are
coloured.
* P. 166.

THE FIRST COURT

where an excellent account of the various buildings will be found
together with a reconstructed plan.^

Melling gives us a picture of the everyday Hfe of the court, and has
introduced figures in such a way as to illustrate the different services,
customs, and costumes connected with the Seraglio. For instance,
several groups of servants attending some important personages on
horseback will be noticed. It is, then, the hour when Ministers of
State are received in audience, the degree of their rank being shown
by the number of their retinue. On reaching the Ortakapi they dis-
mount, and the servants tend the horse and keep it perfectly quiet
while their master proceeds to the Divan to transact his business. In
the centre foreground is a sick man in a Utter being taken to the in-
firmary, to which the men are proceeding in a direct line. Thevenot
(1687) says the sick are borne "in a Httle close Chariot, drawn by
two men ; when they see that Chariot, every one steps aside to make
way for it, even the Grand Signior, if he happen'd to meet it would
do so."^ The infirmary was under the jurisdiction of the Chief
White Eunuch, and all the porters, orderHes, Utter-bearers, etc., were
also white eunuchs. It was used exclusively by the pages of the
Palace School, the hospital on the Marmora being for the members
of the Outer Service.

The organization and general running of the infirmary appear to
have been excellent, and J.-B. Tavemier tells us how the pages try to
get in on some pretext or other :

They continue there for the space of ten or twelve daies, and are
diverted, according to their mode, with a wretched kind of vocal and
instrumental Musick, which begins betimes in the morning, and holds
on till night. The permission they have there to drink wine, which
they never have elsewhere, is a greater inducement for their coming
in thither, than the Musick.^

But apart from this the smuggling in of skins of wine was carried on
to a large extent, and was a means of making the eunuchs lax in their
duties, so that certain vicious practices, impossible in the SeragUo
proper, could here be indulged in with impunity.

' Facing p. 160. ^ Travels into the Levant, pp. 23-24.

3 A New Relation of the Inner-Part of the Grand Seignor's SeragUo (London, 1677),
p. 22.

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Looking again at Melling's drawing, we see two janissaries coming
from the direction of the infirmary bearing on their shoulders a pole
from which is suspended the 'kettle,' to which I shall return later.
In front of them walks a non-commissioned officer carrying the ladle.

Various SeragHo servants will be noticed : one walking by the wall
of the Imperial bakery with a tray of covered dishes (presumably
hot rolls for the infirmary) on his head, while others wearing conical
felt hats are engaged in more menial tasks.

As we have already seen in chapter iii (p. 66), the Imperial mill
and bakery was situated on the Marmora near the Degirmen Kapi,
or Mill Gate, and was in active use until in 1616 Ahmed I built a
new bakery in the First Court. So high a standard of bread was
required that even in times of shortage no excuse was taken if the
pure whiteness of the Royal bread was affected in the smallest degree.
Bon tells us that the bread was of several kinds : very white for the
Kong, the Sultanas, the Pashas, and other grandees, moderately good
for the middle folk, and black for the ajem-oghlans. " For the Royal
taste," he continues,

and that of the Sultanas Brusa flour is used, extracted from com grown
in the Province of Bithynia in the patrimonial territory of the Ottoman
Empire. The annual production is from seven to eight thousand clilo
[kilos], which is possibly about three thousand Venetian stara, the com
yielding splendid flour by the mills that are in that city of perfect
quality. As for the others, all the com comes from Greece, where are
the patrimonial estates of the said Emperor, the grain of which is
always consumed by the army, biscuits being made from it at Negro-
ponte, and some is also sold to the Ragusans, who come to lade it
furnished with the necessary bills [comandamento in mano]. Of this com
thirty-six to forty thousand clilb, about fifteen thousand stara, comes to
Constantinople every year and is used by the Seraglio. No surprise is
shown at the Porte's consuming such a large quantity, for apart from
the ordinary service, all the married Sultanas, all the Pashas, all the
grandees, and many more besides have their daily allowance of bread
from the Chilier, which is the store, or else from the King's supply —
thus the Sultanas would receive twenty, the Pashas ten, the mufti eight,
and so on, proportionally down to one per head as determined at the
wiU of the Grand Vizir, each apportioned share being left with the head
of the store. Each loaf is as big as a good cake, tender and spongy.^

' P. 96.
86

rsa^dfcj-f-

Ji:

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l"icS7- .T«j^i-^^5 I

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c'r-

THE FIRST COURT

On the opposite side of the court are the cupolas of the mint, which
(apart from St Irene, not shown in the reproduction opposite p. 86)
is the only building of the First Court still standing. It was trans-
ferred from its earher site on the Third Hill some time prior to 1695.
The mint included the Pavihon of Goldsmiths and Gem-setters, in
which all the elaborate ornamentation used in the decoration of the
rooms in the harem and the selamlik was made, as well as the kadins
jewellery. Among the archives of the Seragho Tahsin Chukru, the
Director, recently discovered a book containing a list of the crafts-
men employed in 1536, together with their rates of pay. They
number 580 in all, and include the following :

58 goldsmiths 3 workers in amber

4 makers of silver thread 14 carvers

9 engravers 18 swordsmiths

5 gold chasers 18 cutlers

8 shield-makers 19 coppersmiths

22 makers of damascened sabres 16 armourers

4 silk weavers 1 1 makers of musical
16 seamsters instruments

12 potters or tile-makers 15 upholsterers

22 rehef decorators 3 glovers

Specimens of their work can be seen not only in the SeragHo
Museum, but in the incrustation and inlay work in the passages, walls,
cupboards, sofas, ceilings, and the floors of rooms in both the harem
and the selamlik.

There still remain the Palace waterworks to be discussed. They are
situated in the far right-hand comer of the court, hidden away behind
a high wall. Access is gained from the Second Court through a
small door near the corner where the kitchen buildings commence.
The door leads to a slope under the main wall, at the bottom of which
are two wells, one round and the other oblong. Both are connected
with the main well, which Hes some fifty paces farther on. The work
is that of the great Sinan, and so apparently was built at the same
time as the kitchens. The well is still in active use, being supple-
mented by a dynamo, the whole now enclosed by a new brick build-
ing. One passes through the power-house, and in a chamber beyond
is the well itself, having a diameter of some twelve or fourteen feet.

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It is a solidly constructed well. A narrow iron bridge runs across the
surface, and electric lights placed at intervals on the walls enable one
to get a good view of this interesting specimen of sixteenth-century
domestic architecture.

As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, the First Court was
often known as the Court of the Janissaries, and not without good
reason, for throughout its bloody history this corps had been in-
separably linked with the SeragHo.

It is advisable, then, to get some idea of the origin and develop-
ment of this first Turkish standing army, especially when most of the
long-accepted traditions have been found to crumple up and wither
before the Hght of recent research. But so attractive is the old pic-
turesque legend to account for both the origin, and the name, and
the dress of the corps that it may well be related here before we discard
it for good.

According to the traditional story Orkhan (1326-59), having
selected a number of Christian youths from those taken captive, sent
them to be blessed by Haji Bektash, the celebrated dervish, whom
they found Hving near Amasia. Standing in front of their ranks, he
stretched the sleeve of his gown over the head of the foremost
soldier, and dehvered his blessing in these words :

"Let them be called janissaries [yeni cheri, or new soldiers] ! May
their countenances be ever bright, their hand ever victorious, their
sword keen ! May their spears always hang over the heads of their
enemies! And wheresoever they go may they return with a white
facel"

And as the holy man raised his hand in blessing the thick sleeve
of his robe hung down in a double fold, and in commemoration of
the benediction a cloth flap modelled on the sleeve was henceforth
attached to the hat of the janissaries. Whatever may have been its
true origin, the headdress is certainly curious, as a glance at the
plate opposite p. 94 shows.

Now there are several points about this legend which should be
noted. Firstly, it dates from only the second half of the sixteenth
century — that is to say, two centuries later than the event related.
Secondly, it was quite arbitrary to which Sultan to attribute the event.
Although Orkhan is the favourite, Osman I, before him, and Murad I

THE FIRST COURT

and Murad II, after him, have also been credited with the institution
of the janissaries. It is only natural to conclude that the corps took
considerable time to become properly organized, and that each suc-
ceeding Sultan improved or re-formed it as he thought fit.

The question has, however, been fully dealt with by the late
F. W. Hasluck,^ who shows that, so far from dating back to Orkhan
or even Murad II, the organization of the system must be referred to
a date subsequent to 1472.

Briefly the evidence leading to this conclusion is as follows. The
distinctive feature of the janissary system is the recruitment of the
corps from a levy of the Christian children of the Empire, who were
forcibly converted and specially trained for their profession. Now,
although seventeenth-century writers, such as Evliya, refer to it,
there is no mention whatever of this systematic collecting of Chris-
tian children in the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century accounts of
the janissaries by such noted and observant travellers as Ibn Batuta,
Schiltberger, and Bertrandon de la Brocquiere. It would appear,
therefore, that, following the Muhammadan law by which royalty
had the right to one fifth of the prisoners and booty captured in
battle, the earlier Sultans maintained a kind of bodyguard or corps
d' elite formed of bought or captured slaves, who would naturally be
mainly Christians.

This force was reorganized after Orkhan's time, and the prisoners
who composed it were induced to become Muhammadans and
undergo a thorough military training. The members of this corps
are called by Chalcondyles and Ducas, the Byzantine historians of the
fifteenth century, Tropra or dvpa, inferring that they stood at the Sul-
tan's gate.^ Later they were known as Slaves of the Gate. That the
levy of Christian children was not yet (fifteenth century) systematized
seems obvious, or surely the Greek historians would have mentioned
it; and as late as 1472 another historian, Cippico, still describes the
janissaries as recruited largely from the Sultan's fifth of the prisoners
of war. Turning to the connexion of Haji Bektash with the janis-
saries, we gather that he was originally only a tribal saint subsequently

' Christianity and Islam under the Sultans (Oxford, 1929), vol, ii, pp. 483-493.
* Hasluck suggests that this association with the gate, through janua, aided in the
formation of the Western word 'janissary.*

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'captured' and adopted by the Hurufi sect, who foisted their own
doctrines as those of Haji Bektash on the latter's disciples. As the
sect grew in power this ex-tribal saint became more and more
respected, and numerous legends began to attach themselves to him.
The sect was soon in a position to ' father ' the entire janissary organiza-
tion, and Haji Bektash was adopted as their patron, the connexion
being officially recognized from 1591 onward. It was just prior to
this that the story of the saint's blessing of the corps first made
its appearance. Not only is it not universally accepted, but it is
emphatically denied by contemporary historians, one of whom was
from Bektash's own country. In view of the evidence, then, we must
regard the canonized legend of Haji Bektash, Orkhan, and the first
janissaries as purely fictitious. At the same time that in no way
interferes with the subsequent history of the corps, its customs and
general organization.

The recruits were obtained from all conquered countries, but
mainly from Albania, Bosnia, and Bulgaria. Their education and
training followed immediately, the majority becoming ajem-oghlans
and doing hard manual labour to fit them for every type of physical
endurance that might be necessary later on. The selected few were
attached to the Palace School, and went through a complete system
of education. Subsequently they would be put in command of
some frontier garrison, and moved about from province to province
as occasion demanded.

The laws were at first most strict, enforcing impHcit obedience,
absolute concord among the corps, abstinence from all forms of
luxury, forbidding marriage or domestic ties of any kind, and demand-
ing observance of all reHgious laws of Haji Bektash. Members of the
corps were not to trade in any way, were to observe certain rules as
to their toilet and dress, were not to leave their barracks, were to
have no pay in peace-time, and were to receive arms only in time
of war. Their rations were quite inadequate, and soon led to the
breaking of some of the regulations. As time went on all kinds of
abuses occurred, as we shall shortly see. In 155 1 Nicolay describes
the janissary as being armed with a "scymitar, and a dagger with a
little hatchet hanging at his girdle, using also long harquebusses which
they can handle very well." Janissaries were not allowed to wear

THE FIRST COURT

beards, but *' to the intent they should seem the more cruel and furious
in the aspect of their faces they let their mustachioes grow very long
gross and thick." Their dress consisted of a dark blue cloth coat,
while among the older members the Bektash headdress was enriched
by an enormous plume of bird-of-paradise feathers, which fell in a
curve down the back nearly to the knees. Nicolay gives a good
drawing of this, as well as of the Agha (or Chief Commander) of
Janissaries, with his embroidered under-coat, long hanging sleeves,
and big turban. The colour of the boots at once proclaimed the rank
of the wearer — red, yellow, and black in descending order being the
colours worn.

The names of the officers were all connected with the culinary art.
Thus the Agha was known as the Chorbaji-hashi, or Head Soup-
distributor ; then came the A§gi-bashi, or Head Cook, followed by
the Sakka-bashi, or Head Water-carrier. Their standard was em-
blazoned with a huge kazan (' kettle ' or cauldron), which merits some
detailed consideration. It is hard to say exactly when these ' kettles '
began to play such an important part in the history of the corps.
It seems clear, however, that it was not until some considerable time
after its foundation. At first the connexion was simply one of
reverence ; it was only later on when the corps began to get out of
hand that the 'kettles' became an object of terror and the sign
of rebellion and bloodshed. In actual fact the 'kettles' were mess
cauldrons covered with a lid used for the distribution of the food.

According to tradition the first ' kettles ' issued were modelled on
those in daily use by the Bektashi dervishes, and were presented by
Muhammad II to the different odas^ previous to the attack on Con-
stantinople (1453). Before that time each man had to provide his
own rations, but henceforth each oda was to have its own mess officer
to procure supplies of bread, salt, rice, and suet as daily rations. Hence
the oath of fidelity with bread and salt. Each oda had a large regi-
mental copper, while the ordinary-sized ' kettles ' were distributed in
the proportion of one to every twenty janissaries. Although, as seen

' The word oda literally means 'room' or 'chamber,' and by extension 'lodging,'
'house' (in the way the word is used in English pubhc schools). Thus in the Seragho
it denoted a chamber of pages or harem recruits, while in a mihtary sense it became
the barracks, and finally the unit of a corps [ocak, formerly ojaq, 'hearth'). Closely
allied is the word orta, 'centre,' 'middle,' and so a battahon of an ocak.

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in Melling's drawing (p. 86), tlie large spoon was carried separately
by a non-commissioned officer, each man wore his own spoon for the
ordinary 'ketdes' in a brass socket sewn into the front of his cap.

And so the * kettles ' came by degrees to be symbols of miUtary
pride, and, like our drums, were piled in the front of the tent of the
Agha when the janissaries were in camp. On the march the ' kettles '
were carried by recruits in relays, and their loss during a battle
was a lasting disgrace to the oda of the ocak. The large regimental
copper was borne by older men, and its loss was considered so grave
that only some exploit of great daring could efface the stain. In
times of peace the janissaries assembled in the Second Court after
midday prayer every Friday to receive their due allowance o£ pilaf.
The Sultan waited in the kiosk between the Divan and the Gate of
Felicity, and watched the proceedings with considerable anxiety. If
the ' kettle '-bearers fetched the rice from the kitchens at the accus-
tomed signal all was well, but if they stayed in the ranks and turned
the ' kettles ' upside-down it was a symbol of dissatisfaction and possibly
revolution. The immediate action of the Sultan depended upon the
justness of the complaints and the personal ability of the particular
Sultan to check insubordination and revolt. The results were often
terrible and swift ; the hostanji would be summoned, the ringleaders
and ' kettle '-bearers seized, and a pile of heads would soon appear
outside the Ortakapi.

On the other hand, from the seventeenth century onward the
power of the janissaries became tremendous, and not less than six
Sultans were either dethroned or murdered through their agency.
But let us trace briefly how this state of affairs was brought about.
The original corps, being composed of Christian captives, soon
reaHzed that the Sultan was their new father, and that everything they
had, were, or could ever become was entirely in his hands. So long,
therefore, as he led them into battle and retained the warlike spirit
of the early Sultans the mOitary moral was maintained and the corps
became the finest standing army in Europe. But when the Sultans
exchanged the battlefield for the harem regulations became lax, the
original spirit of the corps was neglected, and all kinds of abuses soon
turned this fine body of men into the scourge and bane of the Otto-
man Empire. Until the time of Murad III (1574) the number never

THE FIRST COURT

exceeded 20,000 all told, but irregularities started in the middle of his
reign, and by the end of the century the janissaries totalled over
48,000. This was due to several factors, all detrimental to the corps.
No longer were the odas recruited only by the Christians, but by true
Ottomans who had personal ties with the people, and no more did
they look upon the Sultan as their father. Long intervals of peace
had stained the ceHbate janissaries with all kinds of vices and evil
practices, and as soon as they felt their power growing they began to
marry, and so became more independent than ever. If money or
food was short a fire could easily be started, when wholesale looting
would naturally follow. It is estimated that during the reign of
Ahmed III (1703-30) no less than 140 such fires occurred. The
married janissaries were allowed to live out of barracks, and soon
not only their children, but friends and relations, became enrolled as
members of the corps. Thus in time the percentage of utterly useless
men and downright scoundrels was very considerable, and early in
the nineteenth century the number on the pay-roll had reached the
enormous figure of over 130,000. The efforts of Sehm III to organize
a new force ended in failure, and although Bairakdar Pasha was more
successful in 1806 the new troops were again suppressed. It remained
for Mahmud II (1808-39) to crush the corps once and for all. His
was no sudden and unpremeditated step, but was the culmination of
no less than sixteen years' careful and studied preparation.

Mahmud had already witnessed the appalling horrors of a janis-
sary revolt, he had seen the city covered with a sheet of fire, he had
heard the cries of women and children and the groans of the dying.
This experience did not stop the Sultan from planning innovations,
as the janissaries hoped and beheved; on the contrary, it engendered
in his soul the firm determination to eradicate the entire corps for
ever, preparing the way by every means possible. Honours and bribes
were bestowed in certain quarters, while others who proved trouble-
some soon found their way to the Bosphorus never to appear again.
The power of distant Pashas was undermined, and the janissaries
were thus deprived of the help of discontented provincial aUies. The
new corps of regular soldiers, eshkenji, was increasing all the time,
and many of the janissary officers had been gained over: thus
mutual distrust arose in the ranks of the odas. By 1826 Mahmud was

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ready. The rising had been carefully provoked by the Government,
and the janissaries marched to the Et-meidan Square and reversed
their ' kettles ' in the usual manner to signify a revolt. Finding that
their Agha had deserted to the Government, they attacked his
Palace and abused what remained of his harem. Thence they went
to the Porte, and burned the archives and destroyed everything they
could lay hands on. But their end was in sight. The seashore was
guarded, the Seragho was full of armed bostanji, and the new army
was pouring into the city.

The Prophet's sacred Standard was unfurled, and a curse and
sentence of eternal dissolution on the janissaries was pronounced.
A fetva was obtained from the Sheikh-ul-Islam, giving a spiritual
sanction to the proceedings, and the attack commenced. The work
of the new army was made easy by the corps' returning to the Et-
meidan Square, and every avenue leading to it was soon occupied
by the enemy. After a moment of uncertainty the guns did their
work, and the grapeshot played terrible havoc in the crowded,
narrow streets. Those who escaped the artillery and the sword were
burned in their barracks. But even then Mahmud was not satisfied,
and men who had hidden in their homes or escaped out of the city
were hunted down and drowned in the Bosphorus. Altogether it is
estimated that over 25,000 men perished, and the janissaries were no
more.

Before we leave the First Court behind us let us examine in detail
the engraving by Melling which is reproduced opposite. This en-
graving shows a portion of the great procession making its way, on
the feast o£Ba'iram, from the First Court of the Seragho towards one
of the outside mosques — Sancta Sophia or Ahmed. It is represented
as just issuing from the Bab-i-Humayun, or Imperial Gate, and con-
tinuing past the beautiful fountain of Ahmed III towards the square
of Et-meidan, whence entrance to either of the two above-mentioned
mosques would be obtained.

The Imperial Gate is shown before the removal of its upper story,
and although the perspective tends to minimize the size of the main
entrance, a general idea of Imperial sohdity and consequence is un-
doubtedly conveyed.

THE FIRST COURT

To the right the wall stretches away towards the Marmora, where
it meets the sea-walls near the Akhor Kapi, or Gate of the Stables.
The conical tops on two of the towers have long disappeared, but
otherwise the wall remains the same to-day, as does also the fountain
of Ahmed III opposite.

On inspection of the main subject of the engraving it will be noticed
that the artist has cleverly taken several representative figures out of
the procession and placed them in the foreground in order that their
costumes can be more easily studied.

Beginning on the extreme left under the tree, we notice a Pasha on
horseback accompanied by his servants, some of whom clear the
way in front, while the rest follow closely behind.

In front of his horse, in the foreground, is an officer of the janis-
saries of the rank of Segban-bashi, next below that of Agha. His
ceremonial dress includes a jacket with upturned epaulettes of a
curious pointed design. To his right is a prancing horse on which
fine trappings and shovel stirrups can be seen. It is being restrained
by a baltajiler, or halberdier of the Outer Service, a unit to be dis-
cussed in the chapter on the Second Court.

The curious pendant hat will be noticed, and enables members of
the corps to be picked out in different parts of the procession. They
acted as a bodyguard, among their other duties, and walked by the
side of the horses or carriages of those they were guarding. They
usually carried halberds, but in the present engraving this particular
weapon is seen in the hands of the peiks, whose duty it was to run in
front of the Sultan and go on missions whenever necessary. These
]^eiks formed a branch of the halberdiers, and their costume is espe-
cially interesting as it was taken over in toto from the Byzantine
Court.

Melling has placed one almost in the middle foreground of his
picture. His tall truncated conical hat surmounted by a triple plume
differs considerably from the pointed hat worn by the man standing
next him on his immediate right. This latter is also a baltajiler, but
belongs to that section known as Zuliijli.

To the right of the couple stand two janissaries, so arranged that
the curious headdress, already discussed, can be closely studied. It
will be noticed that these janissaries line the route of the procession.

THE HAREM

To the right of the two janissaries stands a kapici, wearing an
enormous headdress of white feathers. Besides being doorkeepers
the kapici accompanied the Sultan in times of war and acted as
guards of his tent.

In the main body of the procession Sehm III will be noticed sur-
rounded by a white feathery mass, which is merely the headdress of
numerous kapici.

In front of the Sultan rides the Grand Vizir, who is preceded by
other important officials. Immediately behind is the Sword-bearer,
or Silihdar, and behind him again is the Chief Black Eunuch, or
Kislar Agha.

Other pages of high rank, such as the Chokadar, or Bearer of the
Royal Robes, and the Sharabdar, or Cupbearer, do not appear in the
engraving, but would be somewhere behind in the First Court.

For purposes of comparison mention might be made of two
coloured engravings of "le Cortege du Sultan" by Melling, to be
found in J. M. Tancoigne, Voyage a Smyrne, dans I'archipel et Vile
de Candie en 1811-14.^

' Paris, 1817.

CHAPTER V

THE SECOND COURT, OR COURT OF
THE DIVAN

So far aU we have seen has been of a semi-pubhc nature, because
of the rigid enforcement of certain rules to which attention was
drawn in the last chapter. By the officials of the Inner Service the
First Court was never regarded as part of the Palace proper, and
consequently with them the numbering of the courts began at the
gate which led into the Court of the Divan, and not at the Imperial
Gate. But, as we shall shortly see, there were many other much more
important rules and regulations made to leave no shadow of doubt
in the minds of all concerned that the Ortakapi was the threshold of
sovereign majesty, and as such must be approached with due rever-
ence and humility.

The Court of the Divan is separated from the Outer Palace by a
strongly built wall known as the Inner Wall, in the middle of which
stands the Ortakapi, or Central Gate. This gate at once attracts
attention by its curiously medieval appearance, and kindles a persis-
tent desire to know more of its history and significance.

Although it is impossible to say for certain when it was built, there
is good reason to believe that it represents one of the few portions of
the original palace as built by Muhammad II. For if we look at the
woodcut at p. cclvii of Hartmann Schedel's Nuremberg Chronicle^
we can at once recognize the Ortakapi as it is to-day. Certainly
renovations have occurred from time to time. One of the present
iron doors is dated a.h. 931 — i.e., a.d. 1524-25 — but in structure
and design, as well as in position, the two are identical. Two stoutly
built octagonal towers pierced with loopholes and capped with
conical tops like candle-snuffers flank a gatehouse surmounted by a
battlement. The merlons have sloping tops decorated with a small
ornament at each end, and conceal a walk, reached by a flight of

' 1493-

G 97

THE HAREM

Stone steps behind each tower, broad enough to hold cannon in time
of need. There was a strong guard of fifty gatekeepers {kapici), who
were constantly on duty within and without the gate. If we can rely
on the evidence of travellers and historians, this number remained
unchanged for at least three centuries. Part of the duties of the
guards was to see that absolute silence was maintained, and that the
horses of those seeking audience were properly attended by the
equerries or servants while their masters were within. For, as men-
tioned in the last chapter, even the few high functionaries of the
Inner Service and visiting ambassadors who alone were allowed to ride
into the First Court past the Imperial Gate had now to dismount and
proceed on foot. The knowledge of the lengthy Court ceremonial
that began as soon as a foot had crossed the threshold did not tend to
moUify the air of mystery that already surrounded the Ortakapi,
while the not infrequent sight of severed heads being carried out of
the gate must have filled many with great concern, if not with abject
terror.

But the gate was still a place of reception, and for this reason was
formerly called Bab-el-Selam, or Gate of Salutation. So let us go in
and inspect it for ourselves. As we pass under the outer porch, with
seated recesses either side, we reach a double iron door heavily
embossed, above which is the tugra, or Imperial seal, while above that
again and covering the full breadth of the door is the Islamic creed
" La ilaha illa-Uahu, Muhammad rasul allahi." ^ We at once fmd our-
selves in a vestibule some fifteen feet long by twenty feet broad, the
walls of which are adorned with arms of no particular value or interest.^

To-day the vestibule is merely used for the sale of postcards and
as a depository for cameras and other forbidden tourist impedimenta.
Dark and narrow passages lead off either side, communicating in both
cases with various small rooms. Those to the right are twice as
large as those to the left, which accounts for the fact that the canopy
over the inner door, through which we shall soon emerge to the
Court of the Divan, has its columns unequally divided, there being
five on one side and only three on the other.

' " There is no God but God [Allah], Muhammad is the apostle of God."
* I understand that the rarer specimens that were here once are now in the arms museum
housed in the church of St Irene, in the First Court.

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

The larger rooms to the right were used by the foreign ambassadors
and other important visitors while awaiting audience. We are told
that in order that they should be duly impressed with the might of
the Sultan and his Court they were often kept waiting hours or even
days on end. By the end of the eighteenth century, however, more
respect was shown to envoys of foreign Powers, and (as we shall see
later) an ambassador was conducted straight to the Ortakapi, where
he was offered a seat in the vestibule, while the Chaush-bashi (Grand
Master of Petitions) proceeded to the Divan to announce his arrival.
At the same time the existence of a small wash-room and lavatory
contributed to make a temporary residence here quite possible.

To the left are the guard-rooms and the Cellat Odasiy or Room of
the Executioner. They are all very small, being, in fact, divisions of
a single room. Below all these rooms are the dungeons into which
the unfortunate people were thrust who had displeased the Sultan.
From the small cells in one of the towers, where they were usually
put in the first instance, they were removed to the dungeons, then
into the cistern below, and fmally to the Room of the Executioner.

If they were officials of high rank their heads were placed on a row
of iron spikes which formerly extended above the outer gateway,
slowly to blacken in the sun. If their rank was below that of Pasha
the several heads were carried to the Bab-i-Hutnayun, or Imperial
Gate, where, as we saw in the last chapter, they were exposed to the
pubUc gaze in the niches on either side of the main entrance. In
either case a yafta, or conical-shaped scroll, was affixed on the adjoin-
ing wall stating in bold characters the name of the offender and the
nature of his crime, *' to be a warning to those who would be warned.'*
There the yafta would remain, competing with the head to see which
would stand up longer against the vicissitudes of the cHmate, unless
a bereaved relative bribed the Chief Gatekeeper to remove it.

From this grim portal we pass on towards the Court of the Divan,
and find ourselves standing under a canopy supported by ten pillars,
eight in front and one either side. They are all of marble except one,
which is of granite, and form the central part of a colonnade running
practically round all four sides of the entire court. In describing the
canopy about 1550 Pierre Gilles says, "the roof of it proudly gUtters
with gold, and is beautify'd with the most rich and Hvely colours of

THE HAREM

Persian work." ' Apparently it was kept in excellent order and con-
tinually repaired, for just a hundred years ago we find Miss Julia
Pardoe still extolling its beauty :

The roof itself is pointed, and crowned by a flashing crescent of gold ;
while underneath it is divided into a lattice work of gilt bars, traversing
a ground of brightest blue, and looking hke a sheet of turquoise. The
elaborately tessellated pavement beneath, apparently intended to repre-
sent the reflection of the roof, is composed of curious stones, cemented
together with some preparation, which, in its present state, appears as
though hquid gold had been used to connect the different portions.^

But sad changes have been wrought since then, and to-day it presents
a very effete appearance, and modem horrors of Turkish mural
paintings disfigure the walls.

From our feet radiate four paths lined with box-hedges, cypresses,
and plane-trees, stretching away to various parts of the court, which
we shall soon inspect in detail. An air of quiet and repose pervades
the court, and, judging by the early descriptions that have come down
to us, the general aspect has changed but Httle during the centuries.

"One enters another courtyard," says Ottaviano Bon,

a htde smaller than the first but much more beautiful, owing to its
variety of elegant fountains, avenues flanked by very tall cypresses,
and the presence of certain stretches of lawn where the growing grass
provides pasture for a number of gazelles which breed and are regarded
with pleasure.^

The fountains have gone, save for a single ruin (No. 2 in the plan),
and the gazelles have strayed, but the charm of the court remains,
and the memories of the past still people it with a thousand ghosts
hardly more silent than the members of the Inner Service themselves
ua the days of the mighty Suleiman.

The court, according to the most recent estimates,* measures about
459 feet in length and 361 feet in width at its widest point. As the
name by which it was most usually known (the Court of the Divan)
implies, the chief unit was the Hall of the Divan, where the Council
of State met four times a week to dispense justice and give audience,

' Antiquities of Constantinople, p. 39.

* The Beauties of the Bosphorus (London, 1839), pp. 70-71. ' P. 61.

* Dr Miller, Beyond the Sublime Porte, p. 176.

100

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

and generally to attend to matters both civil and religious. Thus it
united the two great divisions of the Government, the Ruling Institu-
tion and the MusHm Institution. We shall return to the Divan later
in order to describe the building in more detail, and give some account
of the ceremonies which took place iia it.

Although the whole of the right-hand side of the court was taken
up with the kitchens it was, above all else, a court of ceremonial,
and throughout its long history has been the scene of great spectacular
events — military, civil, and reHgious. The commencement of a war,
the accession of a Sultan, the circumcision of a Prince, the marriage
of a Princess, the feasts oiBairdm, the reception of a foreign ambassa-
dor — all provided an excuse for an elaborate and impressive 'show,'
continuing in some cases for weeks on end.

Here, and here alone in the SeragHo, the Government had ascen-
dancy over the harem — at any rate on the surface — and the pageantry
of Court ceremonial, the brilHancy and variety of costumes, the
flashing of jewels from turban and scimitar, the waving ostrich plumes
and extravagant headdresses, the silent and almost grim background
afforded by the double lines of janissaries, all contributed to attest
the power of the Sultan and to impress the foreigner with the might
and majesty of the Ottoman Empire.

As far as can be ascertained, both the site and the general architec-
tural features of the Divan building have remained the same since
the founding of the Palace. Situated on the left-hand side of the court
and breaking the long colonnade by forming a large projecting right
angle, the building consisted of a rectangular room divided by an
arched partition into two nearly square chambers of equal size, each
surmounted by a dome. That to the left, on the outside, was the
Hall of the Divan (Kubbealti), while the other chamber was the
registry {Defterhane), used mainly for the preparation, inspection,
and storing of all Council documents. A third room, of slightly
smaller dimensions, led off to the right, and was employed chiefly
as a private office for the Grand Vizir. It was domed like the other
two, and had its own exit to the portico outside. According to early
descriptions the decoration of the rooms was truly magnificent, the
use of gold and jewels being on a lavish scale.

In 1574 a fire did great damage to the Divan, and although the

lOI

THE HAREM

rebuilding by Murad III and subsequent repairs by Selim III and
Mahmud II did much to restore it to its former condition, we can
safely say that the decoration and richness of the hangings were not
on the same scale as they had been in the time of Suleiman the Mag-
nificent. So also has the Divan Tower, which raises its famihar
pointed spire immediately behind the Divan itself, suffered by fire
and been rebuilt and repaired several times. But here again its general
shape, form, and position have been so well preserved that in the
Nuremberg engraving of 1493 we can recognize it at once. A
covered portico with a richly ornate roof and enclosed by handsome
wrought-iron gates and railings lends a sense of importance and dignity
to the whole.

To-day the interior decoration of the rooms is attractive by
its simplicity — ordinary panelling with baroque ornamentation of
Louis XV style at once proclaiming its date as about 1725-30. Sofas
rim round the rooms at the bottom of the panelling, which ceases at
the commencement of the vaulting.

Signs of mural decoration stiU show on the pendentives. The
principal point of interest in the Divan room, however, is the httle
grilled window opposite the door, and built high up above the
Grand Vizir's seat. Although formerly flush with the wall, and
consequently less noticeable, it now projects like an oriel window, and
is decorated in the Louis XV style in accordance with the rest of the
room.

It was the unfailing practice of the early Sultans to attend the
Divan personally, but Suleiman discontinued it and built this httle
window, into which he could creep unobserved without the Council's
knowing if he were there or not. In this way a certain check was kept
on the proceedings, which always had to take place as if in the actual
presence of the Sultan. At the same time the breaking of the old
tradition was a mistake, and historians have traced the beginning of
the decline of the Ottoman power to this very act. That the efficiency
of the grilled window still holds I can personally guarantee, for it so
chanced that as I sat in it one day looking down on the room below
a guide entered with several tourists and immediately began to explain
to them its history and purport. And as their eyes were all turned
towards it they Httle guessed that it was occupied as of old, and

102

THE HALL OF THE DIVAN, OR KUBBEALTI, SHOWING THE SULTAN S GRILLED WINDOW

VIEW FROM THE HEAD NURSE S BALCONY

[See p. 156]

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

at that very moment playing the part for which it was originally
designed.

It is impossible to get a proper idea of the Divan unless we know
what went on while the Council was in session. As we have noted,
it met regularly four times a week, on Saturday, Sunday, Monday,
and Tuesday, but from early in the eighteenth century only on
Tuesdays. The reception of ambassadors was usually confmed to
Sundays or Tuesdays, on which occasions the ordinary business of
the Court was reduced to a minimum. Moreover, a day was gener-
ally chosen to coincide with the janissaries' pay-day, an extra cere-
mony thus being provided to impress the foreigner.

Many accounts have come down to us,^ and the sessions appear to
have increased in length and ceremonial as time went on. In order
to enable us to make comparison let us take the early seventeenth-
century account of an ordinary session as given by the Venetian
Bailo Ottaviano Bon, and contrast it with MeUing's description of the
reception of a foreign ambassador at the end of the eighteenth cen-
tury, just before the Divan fmally closed.

In reading these accounts, especially that of Melling, it should be
remembered that the Pubhc Divan was held in the building (No. 23)
under — or, rather, closely adjoining — the Divan Tower (No. 22),
while the audiences to which ambassadors were invited were held in
the Arzodasi, usually called the Throne Room, or Chamber of Pre-
sentation (No. 96), in the Third Court, just behind the Gate of
FeHcity, or Bab-i-Saadet. But as some of the preliminary ceremonies
preceding an audience took place in the Pubhc Divan and then
others in front of the Gate of Felicity in the Second Court, it will be

' The most detailed accounts are those of von Hammer, Staatsverwaltung (Vienna,
1815), pp. 412-436; d'Ohsson, Tableau general, vol. ii, pp. 211-232; and Melh^g, Voyage
pittoresque. No. 9 in the volume of text. No. 13 in the volume of plates ; while for the six-
teenth century only we can turn to J. W. Zinkeisen, Geschichte des osmattischen Reiches in
Europa (Hamburg and Gotha, 1840-63), vol. iii, pp. 1 17-125. Many of the Venetian
Bailos have left interesting accounts. See, for example, B. Navagero (1553), Trevisano
(1554), and C. Garzoni (1573) — all in E. Alberi, Relazione, third series (3 vols.), Florence,
1840-63. Among many other contemporary accounts are G. A. Menavino, Trattato
(Florence, 1584), p. 169; G. Postel, De la Repuhlique des Turcs (Poitiers, 1560), p. 122;
and Tavemier, New Relation, pp. 29-34. In English we have R. Knolles, Generall Historie,
(London, 1603), p. 833 ; E. Barton, in Rosedale, Queen Elizabeth and the Levant Company,
pp. 12-16; Bon, in Withers, Grand Signors Seraglio, pp. 18-36; and EvUya Efendi,
Narrative of Travels, 1, pp. 105-106.

103

THE HAREM

understood that the whole ceremony involves both courts. For many
years the Sultan never appeared in the Pubhc Divan, only occasion-
ally hiding himself in the oriel window, into which he crept to see
how things were going, and to have a look at the ambassador with-
out being seen himself.

A description of the Gate of Felicity and the quarters of the white
eunuchs on either side will be given later in this chapter.

Both Bon's description and Melling's are important as being in all
probabihty given from first-hand knowledge.

That part of Bon's account dealing with the Pubhc Divan is as
follows :

The chamber called the Pubhc Divan is an apartment built not
many years ago, and is a square room about eight paces each side with
a serving room leading off, and with another room situated in a comer
on the right of the entrance, merely separated from the Divan by the
antce which give ingress to it. Not far from this door are two small
wooden houses for the residence of the ministers, besides another a
little farther off intended for business transactions. In this Divan,
named, as already stated, Pubhc because all kinds of people may con-
gregate there pubHcly and indiscriminately to demand justice for the
setdement of actions and lawsuits of whatever sort and kind, they
assemble four days of their week, which fmishes on Friday, that being
their festival day : the assembly days are Saturday, Sunday, Monday,
and Tuesday.

[The members of the Divan are as follows :] the Grand Vizir and
the other Pasha Vizirs ; the two cadt leschieri [Kaziaskers] of Greece and
NatoHa, who are the heads of all the cadi of these two provinces (the
cadt being men who profess the law and who govern by special grant
as rulers in all the places and cities of the Emperor) ; the three Defter-
dart, who resemble the Roman quaestors, whose duty it is to collect the
Royal rents and pay out all the money to the miHtia and other salaried
people of the Porte ; the Nisangt, who is the Grand Chancellor, and
seals the orders and letters with the Royal seal; the secretaries of all
the Pashas and other grandees, together with a vast number of notaries
who always assist at the door of the Divan ; the Chiaus Pasha, who is
the Chief of the Ushers, not to say commanders, with a good number
of the said chiausi under his command. This man carries a silver staff
in his hand, and the others are used to summon and lead the deputa-
tions, as captains, as guards, and, in short, for any similar duties.
Everybody assembles at daybreak.

As soon as the Pashas have entered the chamber of the Divan they

104

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

seat themselves one after the other on a bench attached to the wall to
the right facing the entrance, such places being below that of the Grand
Vizir.

To the left on the same bench sit the two cadt leschieri — first that of
Greece as being the most noble and esteemed province, and then that
of NatoHa. At the entrance to the right are seated the three Defterdari,
who have behind them in the room mentioned above all the notaries,
who sit on the ground, paper and pencil in hand, ready to write down
what happens and whatever may be bidden them. Opposite these
Defterdari — that is to say, in the other part of the room — upon a bench
is seated the Nisangi Pasha, pen in hand, surrounded by his assistants,
while in a body in the middle of the room stand those who are seeking
audience.

Seated in this fashion, they start straight away with the assembled
claimants, who being all without advocates and accustomed to handle
their own cases personally, present themselves before the Grand Vizir,
who, if he so wishes, can dispatch them all, because none of the other
Pashas may speak, but wait to be interrogated by him or to be elected
judges. This latter often happens, because after the Grand Vizir has
grasped the essential part of the case he dissociates himself from it
further; thus if it be a case of civil law he refers it to the cadi leschieri,
if it be one connected with accounts to the Defterdari, if it be calumny,
as often happens, to the Nisangt, and if it be commercial business about
difficulties of probation to one of the other Pashas. In this way he
frees himself of the cases one by one, reserving for himself exclusively
only those which are of high and international importance.

Everybody is occupied with these matters till midday, when the
hour for dining arrives, at which time one of the stewards appointed
for this service receives orders from the Grand Vizir to serve the food.
Whereupon all the people are immediately dismissed from the room,
in which, when all is clear, the tables are arranged in the following
order : one is set in front of the Grand Vizir and one, or possibly two,
other Pashas ; a similar arrangement is made for the other Pashas, who
eat all together, and so also with the cadt leschieri, the Defterdari, and the
Nisangt. Some of the servants then spread napkins over each person's
knee to preserve his garments, and then bring them the meats, having
handed to everybody a trencher [mezolere] with bread of all kinds —
fresh and good in every case. The meats are brought in one by one
and set down in the middle of the trencher in a large roomy dish,
which they call a tapsi ; and when one is finished they remove it and
bring in another — the usual fare being mutton, guinea-fowl, pigeons,
goose, lamb, chickens, soup made of rice, and vegetables prepared in
various ways, and an assortment of pastries as dessert, the whole being

105

THE HAREM

eaten with great alacrity. All the other ministers of the Divan dine in
front of this table, and anything they may need is brought in from the
kitchen. The Pashas and other grandees are only given something to
drink once, and that is sherbet served in large porcelain bowls placed
on plates of the same material or of leather decorated with gold. The
others either do not drink at all, or if they are thirsty have water brought
them from the fountains near by. At the same time that the Divan is
dining all the other ministers and officers also take their meal; they
number usually not less than five hundred mouths, and are only given
bread and sorba — that is to say, soup. The repast being over, the Grand
Vizir attends to pubhc business, consulting with the other Pashas on
what seems to him fit and proper, giving judgment on the whole, and
preparing it to be deUvered to the King, the usual custom being that
out of the four days' Divan he goes in on two of them — Sundays and
Tuesdays — to submit to his Majesty the report on all affairs dealt with,
for which purpose the King grants audience.

He too, having dined, passes from his apartments into the Audience
Chamber [i.e., the Arzodasi, hterally Chamber of Presentation]
within. After taking his seat he orders to be summoned in turn, by
the Capigiler Chiaiasi [i.e., Kapijilar-Kiayasi, or Grand Chamberlain],
who carries in his hand a long silver staff, first the cadi kschieri, who rise,
and after bowing to the Grand Vizir advance — accompanied by the
above-mentioned Capigiler and the Chiaus Pasha, who precede them
with silver staffs in their hands — into the presence of the King, and
render him an account of their offices to the extent required.

After dismissal they depart and return straight to their homes.
Next the Defterdari are summoned, and, observing the same ceremony,
inform the King what business they have carried out and take their
leave, making way for the Pashas, who come last in file one after the
other. On reaching the King's presence in the Chamber, v^th their
hands crossed and heads bent, all looking aUke, the Grand Vizir alone
speaks and renders accounts as he sees fit, showing the petitions one by
one ; then, replacing them in a crimson satin vaHse, he lays it with
great deference beside the ICing. In the event of no questioning (the
other Pashas keeping silent) they depart and mount their horses out-
side the Second Gate previously mentioned, accompanied by their own
followers and the rest, the most important first — and so they go to their
own SerragH. And thus the Divan is concluded for that day, which
might be about the hour of vespers.'

Bon then continues with a description of what happens "when
ambassadors from crowned heads go to kiss the Emperor's robe and

' Pp. 64-67.
106

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

the courtyard is crowded with Spahis, janissaries, and other troops,
all richly attired, and forming a magnificent spectacle with their fine
turbans, coloured plumes, and sparkling jewels.

But by way of contrast let us see how Melling describes the scene
at the beginning of the nineteenth century. After telling us how the
Ambassador is conducted with due ceremony to the Ortakapi, or
Central Gate, in the Second Court of the Seragho, and explaining the
significance of the janissaries' meal o£ pilaf, he gives a short account
of the preHminary ceremonies.

As soon as the Ambassador's presence is reported to the Grand
Vizir the written request for an audience is conveyed to the Sultan
with much ceremony. When the reply is received by the Grand
Vizir he puts it to his mouth and forehead, breaks the seal, reads the
reply, and puts the document in his breast. The Ambassador then
dines in state.

Melling thus describes the reception which follows :

The Ambassador, accompanied by the chief interpreter and ushers
of the Porte, and followed by his cortege, is then led in the court under
a gallery built between the Chamber of the Divan and the Gate of the
Throne, Bab-el-Saadet. There the Grand Master of Ceremonies
clothes him in a sable robe. The chief members of the cortege are
given robes Hned with ermine, ofkereke and caffetan, being garments of
the second order. Meanwhile the Grand Vizir has moved from the
Chamber of the Divan to the Throne Room. Soon after the Ambas-
sador is led to it with twelve or fifteen of the chief members of the
Embassy ; each person is assisted by two Capidgi-Bachi, chamberlains.
Pages and white eunuchs are drawn up in ranks on both sides of the
gallery which leads to the Throne Room. The grandeur of this room
far from equals the importance of the ceremonies that are enacted in
it; nevertheless it is sufficient, seeing that etiquette only allows very
few people to approach his Highness's throne. It is placed along one
side of the room : Oriental luxury has exhausted all its arts to make
this throne more magnificent.

It looks like a bed of antique design ; gold and fine pearls enhance
the splendour of the rich drapery with which it is covered ; its columns
are silver gilt. The Grand Seigneur takes his position there clad in a
ceremonial robe that recalls the ancient cosmme of the Tartars ; his
turban is surmounted by an egret enriched with diamonds ; he wears
yellow boots, his feet being supported on a step. The Grand Vizir and
Admiral-in-Chief occupy a position to the right of the throne ; to the

107

THE HAREM

left are the Chief Black Eunuch and Chief White Eunuch. All remain
standing, including the Ambassador, who approaching the throne
makes his address to his Highness. His words are repeated in the
Turkish language by the Chief Interpreter of the Porte, after which the
Grand Vizir, in the name of the Grand Seigneur, makes a reply which
the Interpreter translates to the Ambassador. He then takes the
credentials from his secretary's hands ; he gives them to the Mir-Alem
(Chief of the Standard, Commander of the Chamberlains), who passes
them on to the High Admiral. This officer presents them to the Grand
Vizir, who places them on the throne. The audience immediately
comes to an end and the Ambassador retires with his suite. On regain-
ing the First Court he mounts his horse, as does also his cortege ; and,
lined up on one of the sides, they watch the janissaries and the
entire Ottoman Court march off. Immediately after the Ambassador
begins his march back to his palace in Pera in the same order that he
came.

Looking at Melling's drawing, we notice that the banquet in the
Divan is being furnished not from the main kitchens on the right
side of the court, but from the Sultan*s private kitchen, or from one
specially built for the Divan, on the left. Although the main kitchens
were more than sufficient to provide enormous meals, many of the
Sultans preferred to have their own private kitchens near at hand.
Consequently it is not surprising to find others in different parts of
the Seraglio. There is one near the main door of the harem (next
No. 40 in the plan), and this one on the left of the Second Court was
probably built at a Sultan's whim. This kitchen, however, occupied
only a small part of the long building on the left, the greater portion
being used as a dwelling-place by officers attached to the high State
dignitaries.

Immediately adjoining the Divan is the I^hazine, or Inner Treasury,
now the Silah Miizesi, or Arms Museum. It is one of the oldest
portions of the whole SeragHo, and is said to have been built by
Muhammad II. Its eight domes, resting on three large square central
pillars, and typical late fifteenth- or early sixteenth-century vaulting,
at once proclaim it to be original work. Certain slight alterations
have occurred since it housed the arms, particularly in the far comer
by the chief entrance to the harem, but apart from this there has prob-
ably been little change. Here was stored the money needed for use
in the Hall of the Divan, including that paid out to the janissaries. It

108

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

was the provincial revenue, delivered in sacks and stored in the vaults
beneath. According to Bon the Royal wardrobe was also stored
somewhere here. He describes it and the Treasury as if they were
side by side :

They are two most noble buildings, which have separate rooms on
the ground floor and in the vaults, large enough for the many com-
modities they contain, and exceedingly safe, with very thick waUs.
They have small windows that are aU barred, and only one door to
each made of the strongest iron, which is always kept bolted, that of
the Casna [Treasury] being also sealed with the Royal seal.^

Before we discuss the kitchens on the right-hand side of the court
there still remain several buildings on the left between the Inner
Wall and the Divan.

Immediately to the left of the Ortakapi in the far comer is a small
unpretentious gate now blocked up. It is the Meyyit Kapi, or Gate
of the Dead, through which all bodies of the Palace personnel made
their fmal exit — except, of course, those which found a less dignified
end in the Marmora or the Bosphorus. A similar connecting gate
pierced the other wall, and thus the bodies were conducted outside
the Seragho walls. Quite close to here is all that remains of a
mosque and bath built by Be§ir Aga, one of the most famous Chief
Eunuchs, who died in 1746. There are several other buildings in
Istanbul erected by him. The remainder of this large area which
occupies the lower slope of the hill is devoted to the stables and the
quarters of the halberdiers.

The stables are now in a state of ruin, but were once fine buildings,
with rooms on the first floor containing a collection of valuable trap-
pings. They were, however, only the Privy Stables, in which some
twenty-five or thirty horses were kept for the Sultan's personal use.

The Great Stables were outside the Seragho buildings near the
seashore, as we have already seen in an earher chapter. Bon inspected
the Privy Stables personally, and tells us that the caparisons are
extraordinarily rich and handsome,

since there are saddles, bridles, pectorals, and cruppers set with jewels
of every kind with much taste and cunning and in large numbers ;

» P. 60.
109

THE HAREM

and they amaze every one who sees them because they surpass the
bounds of imagination.^

Tavemier is equally enthusiastic in his description. ^

We now come to the quarters of the halberdiers, built after the
fire of 1574, and consisting of a unit complete in itself, with courtyard,
mosque, dormitory, coffee-room, baths, etc.

The halberdiers formed a corps of servants of the Outer Service
of the Seragho, but their duties brought them into close contact with
both the seldmlik and the harem, since they were responsible for much
of the manual labour of the Palace, such as wood-cutting and general
portage. They also served as a kind of bodyguard to members of
the harem when changing quarters, etc., and on these occasions were
armed with halberds ; hence their name. A large number of these
weapons can be seen in the Arms Museum, mentioned above.
Their Turkish name was baltajiler, and the corps was divided into
two sections : those who served the selamlik and those whose duties
were confined to the harem. The former baltajilers were called
yakali ('possessing collars') s^dyakasiz ('without collars'), according
to which sub-section they belonged. Those coimected with the
harem bore the curious name of Ziiliifli Baltajilers, from ziiliif, a curl
or tress, because two false curls hung down from their tall hats, in
order to hinder them from viewing the women when taking the
monthly supply of wood into the harem. Similar 'chastity curls'
were worn by the Sword-bearer (Kiligdar or Silihdar), and the Chief
Musician, and several other members of the Seragho. If von Ham-
mer is correct, at one time the Zulufli Baltajilers were white eunuchs,
but if so the curls would seem to be an uimecessary appendage.^

The quarters of the halberdiers are entered by a small gate only a
few paces away from the door next to the Divan Tower leading to
the black eunuchs' courtyard. A long flight of steps runs down to
the lower terrace on which the entire quarters are built. They lead
directly to a narrow courtyard, knowoi as the Court of the Fountain.
To the right is a square room originally used as a mosque, while
farther down are the baths and latrines. To the left are seven square

» p. 62. * New Relation, pp. 28-29.

» For a further account see d'Ohsson, Tableau general, vol. iii, p. 294, with the engraving
No. 152.

1 10

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

narrow wooden pillars supporting the bedrooms or sitting-rooms of
the officers of the corps. Parallel to these pillars, but more to the left,
Hes a large dormitory with a gallery, running completely round the
room and supported by nine wooden pillars at the sides and three
each end, counting the corner pillars twice. The side of the ground
floor nearest the court is tiled ; the colouring is still bright, and the
designs are charming. To reach the gallery above it is necessary to
go outside and ascend the staircase to a point where an archway leads
to other stairs to the left. The gallery is most interesting, the wood-
work being brightly painted in red, and many of the lockers for
bedding still in situ. A huge dark ball hangs from the centre of the
roof.

As we return to the Court of the Fountain a small room will be
noticed at the end on the left. It apparently served as the coffee-
room, and is lined with low divans. Immediately beyond are a few
steps leading to the general mess-room of the halberdiers. It is a
square, lofty apartment, surrounded on three sides by low wooden
sofas composed of lockers, while on the wall opposite the door are
some thirty long narrow lockers in which, I suggest, the halberds
were stored. Dr Miller thinks they were used for the nargilehs, or
Persian water-pipes. But the lockers are quite three times too long
for such a use, besides which I doubt very much if servants of the
standing of the halberdiers would own such an expensive variety of
pipe. Anyway, they could easily fit in the lower lockers. In the
centre of the room is a large rectangular brazier with an inner ledge
used for coffee-pots. Owing to the small windows and the trees
outside there was little Hght in the room although the sun was
shining brightly. I was therefore unable to take a good photograph,
but as I understand this curious little room has never been ' taken '
before I have ventured to reproduce my effort (opposite p. 112).

Returning once again to the courtyard and walking to the extreme
end, one notices a staircase which leads to two rooms over the baths.
As far as I could ascertain, they belonged to the captains of the corps.
They are in such a bad state of repair that it is dangerous to venture
inside.

A broad terrace supporting an abundance of shrubs and trees,
among which the fig-tree is especially noticeable, abuts on to the

III

THE HAREM

end of the dormitory nearest the main stairway. It forms the upper
part of what was once the courtyard of the stables.

There remain only the kitchens to be described. As can be seen
from the plan, they occupy the entire right-hand side of the Second
Court. They therefore form by far the largest separate unit in the
whole of the Seragho. Rebuilt with thick massive walls by Sinan
after the great fire of 1574, they occupy the same site as in the original
palace of Muhammad II. Certain minor alterations have been made
in the course of the centuries, and many of the dependent buildings
are in ruins; but the kitchens themselves have been saved by the
soHdity of the walls— just as in other parts of Istanbul it was the thick
walls of the baths that withstood fires and earthquakes — and must be
one of the most remarkable specimens of sixteenth-century domestic
architecture in existence.

The whole quarters not only consist of ten large double kitchens
arranged in line one after the other overlooking the Marmora, but
include suites of rooms for the chief kitchen functionaries, two
mosques, baths, and storerooms, offices, and pantries, and quarters
for the cooks, food porters, confectioners, sculHons, wood-cutters,
ice-collectors, water-carriers, etc. There are also the remains of
a school of cookery, musicians' rooms, a tinning shop, ablution
fountains, and dormitories. Many smaller rooms, the use of which
has been forgotten, were very possibly used as divans or coffee-rooms
for the various sections of the kitchen community, which, according
to several old writers, were all separate and distinct. Thus each
section would have its own coffee-room — purveyors of meat never
sitting down with, say, the tinners or confectioners. The arrange-
ment of all these rooms, however, was quite simple owing to the
presence of a long corridor running the entire length of the buildings
parallel to the columns in the courtyard, to which access was gained
by three separate entrances.

The side nearest the courtyard was occupied by all the suites and
offices of the several sections of the kitchen staff, while the Marmora
side, being over twice as broad, supported the massive kitchens, the
two mosques, and also the quarters of the food porters in the extreme
comer near the waterworks.

It is difficult — and really of httle importance — to state with any

112

ENTRANCES TO THE QUARTERS OF THE HALBERDIERS (ON LEFT) AND TO THOSE
OF THE BLACK EUNUCHS (ON RIGHT )

MESS-ROOM OF THE HALBERDIERS, SHOWING THE TWO STYLES OF LOCKERS AND
THE BRAZIER IN THE CENTRE OF THE ROOM

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

degree of accuracy how the kitchens were allocated at different times.
This is due to the fact that as soon as one author makes a Hst all
subsequent writers copy it, either because they have no opportunity
of checking it, or because of the sense of authoritative confidence
that such a list seems to inspire. Thus it is accepted without question.
Who made the original list I cannot say, but our old friend Bon
certainly seems to be a likely recipient for the honour. His hst
(1604-7) was copied exactly, not only by Baudier and Withers, but
by Louis Des Hayes,' and by Tournefort^ in about 1700, and appears
unaltered in Grosvenor,^ and subsequently in Murray's Handbook.
The allocation given in these lists is as follows :

(i) The Sultan.

(2) The Sultan Valide, sometimes called the Queen.

(3) The Sultanas, meaning the kadins.

(4) The Kapi Agha.

(5) Members of the Divan.

(6) The I^-oghlans, or Sultan's pages.

(7) Humbler members of the Seragho.

(8) The other women.

(9) The less important members of the Divan.

Nobody seemed certain about the tenth kitchen; it was quite
possibly used for the kitchen staff itself; but at a later period it was
allocated to the confectioners. Occasionally we do get variants in
the lists in those rare cases of original inquiry.

Thus Tavemier, while noting the nine kitchens, tells us that now
(c. 1664) the number in actual use has been reduced to seven. The
change of allocation or reduction of the number in use was merely
due to special circumstances, such as the wish of the Sultan or kadins
to have their kitchens nearer the harem, or to the fact that there was
no Sultan Valide ahve at the time. An unusual and temporary effort
to economize might cause the closing of some of the kitchens. Altera-
tions have doubtless been made from time to time in the construction
of the roofs, chimneys, and cupolas. To-day each kitchen is divided
into two parts, the inner of which contained the fire on a low stone

' Voiage de Levant (Paris, 1624).

2 Voyage into the Levant, vol. ii, p. 184. ^ Constantinople.

H 113

THE HAREM

hearth in the centre of the room, the smoke passing up to a dome
pierced by a long chimney. The outer part, or that nearest the kitchen
corridor, is surmounted by a polygonal dome with a pierced centre,
which can also serve as a chimney, but there is no chimney-stack.
Hence, when viewing the Seragho from the Marmora we see only a
single line often tall chimneys. It appears that alterations have been
made in the chimneys and domes, and it is not at all clear if both
varieties of chimney were always used as such, or whether possibly
one served as a means of ventilation. In 1700 Tournefort writes :

The Offices and Kitchens are on the right, embeUish'd with Domes,
but without Chimneys; they kindle a Fire in the middle, and the
Smoke goes out through the Holes made in the Domes. '

In Melling's engraving there is clearly only a single line of chim-
neys in the form of round domes, while in that of d'Ohsson, pub-
lished only a dozen years earher, there is a double line of chimneys
polygonal in shape, and at one point there are three rows. As both
men were reHable observers it would seem clear that alterations were
continually being made. Writing in 155 1, Nicolay says there are
150 cooks, of which those who dress the Sultan's food are the most
important :

those of the privy kitchens have their furnaces apart, to dress and
make ready the meat without smell of smoke, which, being sodden
and dressed, they lay in platters of porcelain, and so dehver it unto
the Cecigners, whom we do call carvers, to serve the same unto the
great lord, the taste being made in his presence.

Several years earUer (1534) Ramberti gives the following list of the
kitchen personnel :

The Ashji-bashi, or chief cook, with fifty cooks under him. He has
forty aspers per day, the cooks under him four, six, or eight aspers each.

The Helvaji-bashi, or chief confectioner, with forty aspers, and he
has thirty companions with five to six aspers per day each.

The Chasnijir-bashi [the Chief Taster], chief of the cupboards, with
eighty aspers : morning and evening he brings with his own hand the
dish of the Signer, and he has under him a hundred Chasnijirs with
from three to seventy [seven (?)] aspers each.

The Mutbakh-emini [Steward of the Kitchen] with forty aspers.
He has a secretary with twenty aspers a day.

' Voyage into the Levant, vol. ii, p. 184.
114

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

A hundred Ajem-oghlans, who transport on carts the wood of the
palace. They have three to five aspers, and are provided with clothing.
Ten Sakkas, who carry water on horse-back in leather sacks, with
three to five aspers each.''

Bon gives much interesting information about the food supplies
in general :

From Egypt come large quantities of dates, plums, and prunes, all
of which are placed in the care of the servers and cooks, being used in
the cooking — both roast and boiled. The honeys which are consumed
by the Porte in enormous amounts, because they are used in all food
as well as in the sherbets for the poorer folk, come from Walachia,
Transylvania, and Moldavia [Rumania and part of Hungary] ; as well
as presents made to the King by the Vaivodes [Moldavian Dukes].
But for the King's kitchen a stock is laid in from Candia which is of
greater purity and dehcacy. The oil, of which they use a large amount,
comes from Corone and Modone ^ in Greece, the Sanjak Bey being
obHged to provide as much as is required by the Seragho ; but for the
King's kitchen that from Candia is supphed, being odourless.

The butter, of which a lot is consumed, comes by way of the Black
Sea from Moldavia, and from Tana and CafFa [near the Sea of Azov],
and is sent packed in enormous ox-hides. It is stored in warehouses,
and when there is an abundant supply it is sold in the city to the great
advantage of the Porte ; Htde fresh butter is eaten, because the Turks
do not care for dairy produce.

As regards meat, each year in the autumn the Grand Pasha orders
the Pastromani [meat beaten out flat] for the Royal kitchens, and it
must be from cows in calf, because their flesh is more savoury and
salted. It is kept dried, made into sausages and hash, and preserved in
barrels for the whole year, being used not only in the Seragho, but in
every house. However, the Pasha controls these operations, for which
as a rule four hundred cows are used.

The remainder of the meat consumed daily in the Seragho is :

Young mutton
Lambs or kids when in season
Veal for the eunuchs
Young geese (pairs)

Guinea-fowl ^pairs)
Poultry (pairs)
Pigeons (pairs)

200
100

4
30

lOO
100
100

■ Lybyer, Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman the Magnificent,
pp. 245-246.

* Both in the province of Messenia, in the Peloponnesus. They were annexed to
Turkey by Bayczid II in 1502.

THE HAREM

Fish is not usually eaten, but if the Agalari want it every kind is
available, since these seas are well stocked, and fishing can be easily
done from the private houses.

Fruits are not lacking for the King and all in the Seraglio, because
they receive great quantities as presents, and the Royal gardens, of
which there are many in the vicinity, provide every day large baskets
of the best and fmest that can be gathered, the Bustangibassi [Bostanji-
hashi, Head Gardener] being obhged to take what is left over for sale in
a place apart where only the King's fruit is sold, the profits from the
sale being deHvered weekly to the King's Bustangibassi, who then hands
them to his Majesty. This is known as his pocket money, and he gives
it away without counting it to his mutes and buffoons.

The kitchen utensils are a sight to see, because the pots, cauldrons,
and other necessary things are so huge and nearly all of copper that of
things of this kind it would be impossible to see any more beautiful or
better kept. The service of dishes is of copper tinned over, and kept in
such continual good repair and so spotless that it is an amazing sight
to behold. There is an enormous quantity of them, and they are a
very considerable expense to the Porte, and especially because the
kitchens provide food for so many both within and without, particu-
larly on the four days of the Pubhc Divan,^ so that the number stolen
is a thing to marvel at.

The Defterdars wanted to have them made of silver so as to hand
them over to the Treasurer, but owing to the great cost the idea came
to nothing. The wood consumed in the kitchens amounts to countless
pesi (so it is sold in Constantinople), and a peso is 40 pounds gross
weight. I will but say that thirty large caramussali [Turkish merchant-
men] in the service of the Porte sail the Greater [Black] Sea to the
King's forests to procure it. And this they do at httle cost to the
Treasury, because those who cut down and load the wood are slaves.^

There is no lack of material dealing with the preparation and
serving of Turkish food — with the making ofpi/^and similar national
dishes, the different varieties of sherbets, the innumerable sugary
confections so dear to the Ottoman palate — but, after all, this is not
a gastronomical work, so I will merely refer readers to Tavemier,
who has much to say on the subject, and to White's Three Years in
Constantinople,^ for more modem recipes.

Evliya Efendi'^ gives a most interesting account of how the

' On Divan days an extra four or five thousand would be fed, in addition to the usual
thousand or more. ^ Pp. 97-98. ^ Vol. iii, pp. 81-97.

* Narrative of Travels (London, 1834), vol. ii, pp. 156-157.

116

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

Seraglio is supplied with the enormous quantities of ice required.
He tells us of the great ice-pits where snow is stored, and how on days
of procession the snowmen wear turbans made entirely of frozen
snow, and drag on wagons loads of snow of the size of a cupola, and
that there are also from seventy to eighty files of mules loaded with
the purest snow from Mount Olympus. He also speaks of the fish-
cooks, sugar-bakers, confectioners, and divers conserves of almonds,
pistachios, ginger, hazel-nuts, orange-peel, aloes, coffee, etc.

The only Turkish sweetmeat, however, known throughout the
world is, of course, Turkish delight. No less than some 750 tons are
exported annually. It consists of the pulp of white grapes or mul-
berries, semolina flour, honey, rose-water, and apricot kernels. It
rejoices in the attractive Turkish name of Rahat Lokutn (' giving rest
to the throat').

As we have already seen, the entrance from the Second into the
Third Court is through the Gate of Fehcity, or Bah-i-Sa'adet, behind
and to the right and left of w^hich are the quarters of the white
eunuchs, formerly occupied by the Great and Little Halls of the
Palace School.

I shall discuss the Gate of Felicity first. It has other names, derived
either from the proximity of the eunuchs' quarters or from the fact
that the gate led into the private apartments of the Sultan. Thus it is
known as Akagalar Kapisi, the Gate of the White Eunuchs ; while
Bon (1604-7) knew of it as the King's Gate and the Royal Gate.

The date of its erection is unknown, but in spite of its thorough
restoration in 1774-75 there is every sign of its being early sixteenth
century at the latest, with the general style — a double gate sur-
mounted by a heavily ornamented canopy and flanked by marble
columns on each side — preserved throughout. Flachat^ (1740-55)
describes the gate as having a fine portico flanked by sixteen columns
of porphyry or verd-antique, the vaulted roof of the canopy which
supports it being gilded at the base and decorated with leaves and
flowers in relief. The facade of the gate itself was enriched by large
panels of polished marbles matching the piUars, but these have un-
fortunately been replaced with modem mural paintings just as bad
' Observations sur le commerce, vol. ii, p. 174.
117

THE HAREM

as those on the inner side of the Ortakapi. The portico is supported
by six columns, of which only the front four are free. Six more
columns support the colonnade each side, making a total of eighteen.
So far this was the most private and respected part of the Seraglio.
It was here that the personal part of the Palace began ; at this gate
each new Sultan was announced ; its threshold was kissed by any-
one entering. Through its gates the bodies of the highest officials
have been thrown to the surging mass of angry janissaries who have
thundered at its closed portals. The bodies of dead Sultans have
been borne hence in times of sedition and revolution. But without
giving details of the grim scenes in which the Gate of Felicity has
played a leading part it will suffice to say that it was always regarded
as the closed gate, sacred to majesty, beyond which nothing was
officially known. That it led directly to the Arzodasi, or Throne
Room, was the hmit of public knowledge. Thus Bon tells us in his
account that it gives entry into that part of the Seragho reserved
solely for the Royal household and the slaves who serve it. "And
nobody may enter," he continues,

by this gate save at the pleasure of the Emperor (speaking of persons
of consequence), but other members of the service, such as doctors
or those who look after the pantry and kitchen, may enter there by
permission of the Kapi Aga, who is the chief major-domo to whom
the supervision of these people is entrusted. He is always at hand,
since his rooms are close by with his Aga eunuchs like himself. And
everything is secret to this extent, that whatever is intimated of what
goes on beyond this gate is for the most part mere inference, because
either nothing can be seen at all or, if any trifling thing can be seen, it
is on those occasions when the King is absent, and one is introduced
by some favourite through the Sea Gates. ^

According to Bassano da Zara the guard consisted of thirty eunuchs,
while other sixteenth-century accounts state that this was the number
only on Divan days, while ordinarily it was twenty or twenty-five.
The quarters of the white etmuchs were situated in such a position as
to command a view of both the Second and Third Courts. The suite
of the Kapi Agha {Kapiagasi Dairesi), Chief of the White Eunuchs,
lay to the right, while the quarters of the rest lay to the left. To-day

' P. 63.
118

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

it is dijfFicult to form any idea of the suite to the right, as the rooms
have now been turned into electrical and fitting workshops. All that
I can say is that after passing through a small courtyard one reaches a
long passage with three rooms to the left. There is a fountain and
washing-room at the far end on the right, close to the confectioners'
mosque. All rooms are necessarily oblong in shape; all signs of
decorations have long since disappeared.

With the general quarters to the left of the gate I was much more
lucky, for not only were they in good condition, but they were fully
occupied by some of the present museum staff, who at the time of
my first visit were sleeping, studying, making coffee, etc. — in fact,
behaving exactly as the white eimuchs did. On passing through the
small courtyard, corresponding to that in the Chief Eunuch's suite,
I encountered a very irate dwarf, who rushed out at me wildly,
gesticulating and shouting, doing aU in his power to prevent me
from entering. My credentials, however, were too strong for him,
and he sulkily went away, leaving me in possession. I passed first of
all into a large room resembling somewhat that of the halberdiers,
only smaller. A broad balcony runs round the room, and served as a
dormitory for the guards. Mats were spread out or rolled neatly away
in all parts of it, several of the former being occupied by men fast
asleep. On the ground floor several partitions have been made,
while in the far right-hand corner is a raised chamber, used apparently
by the eunuchs of higher rank.

Passing on, one comes to the general dining-room, and at the time
of my visit food was being cooked in a large brazier that occupied
the centre of the room. On the far left-hand side several men were
squatting before ablution fountains which extended in a line against
the wall on the Second Court side. There is also a small third room
which was used as a storeroom.

The duties of the white eunuchs in the Seragho were chiefly con-
cerned with the five chambers of pages, which formed such an
important part of the Inner Service of the Palace. Just as it was the
duty of the black eunuchs to control all matters connected with
the harem, so it was the duty of the white eunuchs to look after the
selamlik and its numerous activities. Since ordinary servants were not
allowed past the Gate of Felicity the duties of the white eunuchs and

119

THE HAREM

Royal pages were really divided between education in the Palace
School and personal service to the Sultan as members of the Royal
household.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries there appear to have
been four head eunuchs, v^hile a fifth was added subsequently.

These were the Kapi Agha, the Hazinedar-bashi, the Kilerji-bashi,
and the Serai Agha, the fifth being the Has Oda-bashiJ The position
of the Chief White Eunuch {Kapi Agha) was of the highest, and until
the rise of the black eunuchs he reigned supreme. But even then he
ranked equally with the Kislar Agha, although some of his privileges
had been transferred to his black rival.

First and foremost, the Kapi Agha was head of the Inner Service,
which naturally meant that he was the personal confidant of the
Sultan and the head of the Palace School. He was also Gatekeeper-in-
Chief, head of the infirmary, and general master of ceremonies of the
Seragho. In former days he controlled all messages, petitions, and
State documents addressed to the Sultan, and alone was allowed to
speak to the King in person. Many of these privileges were largely
transferred to the Chief Black Eunuch, as we shall see in a later chapter.
The dress of the Kapi Agha consisted of a loosely fitting pehsse of
brocade or velvet edged with rich furs, with long hanging sleeves.
Underneath was a shorter garment of the same material. A belt,
yellow shoes, linen or silk drawers, and a white sugar-loaf turban
completed the costume.

The next in command, the Hazinedar-bashi, had charge of the
Treasury, and was head of the corps of pages attached to the Hazine
Oda, or Chamber of the Treasury, which formed the second chamber
of the pages. He was responsible for all the Royal treasures, and made
all the Inner Service payments, and kept detailed accounts of every-
thing paid out.

The third officer, the Kilerji-bashi, supervised the Sultan's food and
controlled the whole of the kitchen staff.

On the fourth, the Serai Agha, devolved charge of the Ser-
aglio in the Sultan's absence. He was also assistant director of

' See vol. iii, pp. 176 et seq., of the Turkey volumes of Shoberl's World in Miniature
(London, 1822). It is translated from the French edition of Castellan. The coloured
plates are charming.

120

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

the Palace School and head of the Seferli Oda, or Chamber of
Campaign.

In direct personal touch with the Sultan were the selected members
of the Has Oda, or Inner Chamber. In Suleiman's time the head of
this chamber was the chief page, but as the position grew in import-
ance and duties increased it was entrusted to a white eunuch, known
as the Has Oda-bashi. Apart from his duties to the Sultan's personal
wants, he was the depositary of one of the three Imperial seals set in a
ring, with which he used to seal the most precious objects kept in the
Royal apartments, such as the phials of sacred water into which the
comer of the Prophet's robe had been dipped. He also had charge
of the robes of honour given to foreign ambassadors and other people
of distinction.

The rest of the white eunuchs acted as assistants to the above
officers in one capacity or another. The infirmary was entirely run
by them, and they acted as litter-bearers, as well as managing the
arrangements of the wards and the Commissariat.

As regards the supply of white eunuchs, plenty of opportunities
offered themselves when the Ottoman power was at its height, and
Hungarian, Slavonian, and German prisoners of both sexes were
pouring into the capital. The number of white eunuchs made at this
time, however, seems to have been very small, more care being
taken to recruit the Turkish legions with men capable of bearing
arms. Owing to the fact that castration was forbidden in the
Koran, it is usually stated that the operation was performed outside
Constantinople, and the newly made castrato was then sent into the
Seraglio to be taught his duties.

From the early seventeenth-century description by Bon it would
seem that in some cases the operation was performed in the Seragho
itself. Thus we read :

All are castrated and cut clean, and they choose some of the renegade
boys, who are given as presents to the King, as I have said, but are
rarely castrated against their will, because the Master of Ceremonies
says that they would incur great danger of death. Although aware of
this, the youths are tempted by the certainty of becoming in time men
of great consequence if they live ; and, castrated as they are, they are
educated with the rest, and are taken away in due course from the

121

THE HAREM

fourth oda into the King's service, as happens to the others who are
not castrated.^

Another supply of slaves was procured from Armenia, Georgia,
and Circassia — first by right of conquest, and subsequently by peace-
ful negotiations, particularly in the case of Circassia, a traffic which
had been quite unknown in the case of the transportation of negroes.
The cargoes were mixed, and it was not long before the beauty of the
Georgian women became proverbial, and a thriving trade soon sprang
into being, the merchandise being shipped in boats across the
treacherous Black Sea. When the Georgian supply was temporarily
checked by the Russian advance that from Caucasia increased, and
small boats packed with men and women for the markets of the
Levant made their way to Trebizond, which now became the entrepot.

As far as the Circassian women were concerned, they often went
entirely of their own free will, being anxious to exchange a peasant
Hfe for the gamble of becoming a Pasha's wife, or maybe even
the concubine of the Sultan himself. But as regards the men, the
number that became eunuchs was still small, the reason being that
whereas any amount of black eunuchs could be used to look after
the harem the number required to keep the Court pages in order was
limited.

After the Circassian slave-dealers had been driven from their
country in 1864 they merely carried their nefarious trade nearer
Constantinople, in Rumelia, and on the Asiatic coast at Brusa. When
a white eunuch was required he would be found and duly delivered,
but by far the greater trade was in women, not only to supply the
slave markets, but to provide material for enthusiastic amateurs, who
after carefully training the girls would sell them later to advantage.

In spite of all efforts to stop the slave trade, and the actual passing
of a decree by the Turkish Government itself aboHshing slavery
among the Circassians, the trade continued unabated as before, only
not quite so openly. It was only some terrific national upheaval,
coupled with lessening of the demand, that could end a system that
was part and parcel of the social and religious life of the community.
Such an upheaval has occurred, and to-day a curious Turkey presents
itself to us, a Turkey that is looking West perhaps, but a Turkey that

' P. 89.
122

THE SECOND COURT OR COURT OF THE DIVAN

has lost so much of its old charm and beauty. Unless the visitor to
Constantinople of to-day is blessed with the all too rare faculty of
seeing the half-hidden glories of what is perhaps the most marvellous
city in the world he will merely be disgusted with the pathetic at-
tempts to turn Pera into a modem city by a vulgar display of tawdry and
garish Americanism that makes any thinking man or woman weep.

Before passing on to a consideration of the black eunuchs I shall
conclude this chapter with a brief architectural discussion dealing with
the numerous styles of capitals to be found on pillars in different
parts of the Seraglio, especially one in this Second Court, which I
would call the lotus capital. It occurs not only here, but in many
other places in the SeragHo — ^namely, the corridor of the black
eunuchs, the courtyard and bedrooms of the harem slaves, the court-
yard of the Sultan VaHde, the veranda of the Baghdad Kiosk, and
elsewhere.

It is at once recognized by the lotus-leaf mo^if which it displays in
strong relief. The capital itself is clearly based on an early Byzantine
pattern, and resembles somewhat those in the Bin Bir Direk, or
Cistern of looi Columns, although here they assume a slightly convex
shape by having their base angles rounded. In Sancta Sophia straight-
edged capitals are found in the Western Gynaeceum (sometimes called
the Visitors' Gallery), with branch chandeliers surmounting them.^
This shape must have appealed to the Turkish architect, for we find
it copied to support the Tribune of the Sultan (Mafil-i-Humayun) and
the mashata arcades which were built alongside the piers of the great
dome on the northern flank.

But apart from Byzantine buildings, this lotus capital is to be
found in several mosques in different parts of Constantinople — e.g.^
Mirimah and Rustem Pasha, both built by the famous Sinan about
1550. So too it occurs in mosques in Pera and Scutari.^

Another form of capital in the Seraglio is stalactitic or honeycomb
in form, resembling some found in various parts of the Alhambra, at
Granada. Examples will be found in the veranda surrounding the

' See the illustration at p. 515 of Grosvenor's Constantinople.

2 See Gurlitt, Die Baukunst Konstantinopels, text p. 63, abb. 125, and Plates G. 29b,
G. 28i, G. 26c, and G. i^b.

123

THE HAREM

Arzodasi, or Audience Chamber, in the Third Court and also in the
Sultan's bathroom. Several mosques, such as that of Rustem Pasha,
can also show examples of this type of capital.

A third, and somewhat modified, type can be seen in the portico
of the Third Court. Except for the unnecessarily heavy echinus it
reminds us again of similar work at the Alhambra.

But are we entitled to call these capitals Turkish? As in so many
other matters, the Turks copied the architecture of the countries
they conquered. Thus in order to discover genuine Turkish art
among so many borrowings it is necessary to go very warily. The
Byzantine architects had both Corinthian and Ionic capitals as models
before their eyes. But with the abandoning of the architrave an
entirely new group of capitals had to be invented to support arched
brick construction in such a way as to present a perfect harmonious
whole with the column, capital, and arch. A visit to the ever-glorious
Sancta Sophia will show how they have succeeded.

At first no such thing as Turkish art existed, and both designs and
material for building were taken from ruined Byzantine churches,
private houses, baths, etc. Thus we find beautiful columns of por-
phyry, syenite, verd-antique, granite, and other stones in the most
unlikely places surmounted with capitals that never belonged to them.
The modified Byzantine capital and arch became to a large extent
the Turkish capital and arch — but not quite, because in the sixteenth
century Sinan created a real national art. He not only was a builder
of numerous mosques, hospitals, hbraries, and baths, but produced
a great amount of humbler domestic work, such as wells, kitchens,
cisterns, etc. Still, his art was but a hybrid, produced by a fusion of
Syrian and Armenian designs brought to a definite existence by his
own genius as Turkish art. Much of this we can see in the Seraglio,
and still more in Constantinople, Adrianople, and Brusa.

This is not the place, nor do I possess the knowledge, to discourse
in any detail on the position Turkish art occupies when considered
in relation to its forerunners both East and West. That it has a
separate existence cannot be doubted, but it is no easy matter to
gauge the debt to men like Anthemius and Isidorus, the architects
of Sancta Sophia, and yet give full credit to an art that was sprung
from Anatolian and Syrian soil.

124

CHAPTER VI

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

I. Their Quarters and their Duties

As can be seen from a glance at the plan, the quarters of the black
eunuchs (Nos. 32-37) lay behind the left-hand northern comer of
the Second Court, having the Divan and the Treasury on one side
and the apartments of the harem girls on the other. The Golden
Road, emerging from the heart of the seldmlik, ended at the main
harem door (No. 41), which led into the eunuchs' courtyard (No. 34).
Another door (No. 40) communicated at this point directly with
the Third Court, while at the opposite end (No. 30) access was
gained to the Second Court by passing under the Divan Tower.

It will thus be seen that these quarters occupied a central and
commanding position, at once signifying the great responsibihty
vested in the Kislar Agha and the subordinate eunuchs.

The entrance from the Second Court is by a small, unpretentious
door (shown in the plate opposite p. 1 10) similar to that on the left
leading to the quarters of the halberdiers. It is known as the Carriage
Gate {Araha Kapisi), because it was at this point that the ladies of the
harem entered the vehicles (araba) that were to take them for excur-
sions up the Bosphorus or visits to the Old Seragho, etc. As this
little gate gave direct entrance to the courtyard through which the
women passed on their way to the Second Court it was always
heavily guarded. It leads immediately into a square, high, vaulted
room, known to-day as DolapU Kubbe — ^Domed Anteroom with
Cupboards (No. 31), as it is fitted with wall cupboards enclosed
by large painted wooden doors. It has doubtless had many uses at
different periods, but seems to have served the double purpose of
anteroom and guard-room with sleeping accommodation, which
was folded up in the cupboards during the day. The ladies would
doubtless assemble in this room before being conducted into their
waiting carriages outside.

125

THE HAREM

A door the same size as the Carriage Gate leads into an oblong
chamber (No. 32) nearly double the size of the Dolapli Kuhbe. It is
beautifully tiled in the form of floral panels surrounded by a deep
frieze of Cufic writing. The room is really a kind of hall or ante-
room, having no particular use in itself, but serving many purposes
and giving access into many important places, as I shall show pre-
sently. It is divided into two parts, the first of which is vaulted and
very high, allowing a second Cufic frieze, parallel to the other one,
to stretch some eighteen or twenty feet up across the complete
breadth of the room. To the left is an ancient panelled wooden gate,
with a large window above it, leading to a long, narrow alleyway
that separates the harem from the quarters of the halberdiers, and ulti-
mately leads into the garden surrounding the outer walls of the
Seraglio through the Shawl Gate (No. 62).

Immediately next this gate is another door leading into the
eunuchs' mosque (No. 33), built after the great fire of 1665 and con-
taining much fine faience work with interesting marble tablets record-
ing gifts of various eunuchs towards the upkeep and beautifying of
the rooms. There is a small anteroom to the mosque, and another
door leads into the courtyard, which is, however, best entered from
room No. 32, to which we now return. The second part of it is not
vaulted, but has a flat ceiling tastefully decorated in f^ence and
stucco. On the mosque side is a large marble mounting-block with
steps either side. It was used by Sultans riding out to the sacred
mosque at Eyyub. Near by is a marble octagonal fountain. On the
opposite side is a double door leading to the staircase that gives
entrance to the loge or window overlooking the Hall of the Divan.
The stairs continue through the several floors into which the interior
of the Divan Tower is divided.

Next comes the open courtyard (No. 34), with a row often marble
pillars on the left side. A wooden canopy, supported by slanting
poles, stretches down the entire length of this side, protecting the
windows and tiling from the extremes of the weather. Of the ten
columns, which aU display the lotus-mo^i/ capital (see p. 123), the
first six are free, and form a colonnade flanking the black eunuchs'
dormitories, to which access is gained between the sixth and seventh
columns. On entering this most interesting Httle enclosed corridor

126

THE COURTYARD OF THE BLACK EUNUCHS

126

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

(No. 35), with its three stories of small rooms facing each other about
eight feet only apart, one is at once impressed by the soHdity of the
building and the atmosphere of monasterial austerity that pervades
the place. If it suffered in the 1665 fire one imagines that restora-
tion would have been easy and the damage comparatively trifling.
Although this part of the eunuchs' quarters is usually described as
the dormitories it included the Hving rooms as well. As far as I was
able to ascertain, the ground-floor rooms were used as bed-sitting
rooms by the elder eunuchs, except for a 'common room' on, the
left, double the size of the others, and a coffee-making room on
the extreme right. There are six rooms on the right and five on the
left. At the end of the corridor is a typical Turkish fireplace sur-
mounted by a pointed canopy of decorative tiles, while the wall
behind was also completely tiled, but in this case with plain coloured
tiles.

Visitors are still shown the bastinado boards to which the feet
were tied, and the noose into which the hands were put for similar
chastisement. The first floor resembles an open balcony, and supports
the second floor by short, stumpy octagonal pillars surmounted by
the lotus motif 2S in the courtyard. The only actual windows on this
floor are close to the fireplace. Here, apparently, the senior eunuchs
slept, but whether the ground-floor rooms were additional or not
used to sleep in at all I cannot say, as information on the point is
uncertain and conflicting. The second floor has no balcony, and the
small rooms were used by the young eunuchs. Although several
would share a room the accommodation seems hardly sufficient for
such a large number of eunuchs as were employed here. At the same
time it must be remembered that the great majority would be on
duty in different parts of the Palace, and as soon as any came back
they would immediately be reHeved. Another factor possibly worth
mentioning is the surprising number of people that sleep in the same
room in Turkey without any apparent discomfort, or that crowd
round a small brazier sipping coffee and puffing at their nargilehs
in the happy state o£keyf, or dokefar niente. On one of my rambles in
the dirty Jewish quarter of Istanbul, known as Balata, I entered a
doss-house overlooking the Golden Horn. Curiosity took me up-
stairs, the only entrance being up a ladder through a trapdoor. There

127

THE HAREM

lying on the floor fast asleep were nearly a dozen men, their thin
rugs (you could hardly call them mattresses) nearly touching each
other ; and yet there was plenty of room where men had left and
roUed their rugs up in neat bundles. The point to be remembered is
that there is no furniture whatever, and thus in a room about twelve
feet square as many as eight men can sleep at the same time.

Returning again to the courtyard, we notice that the next three
pillars are engaged in a fmely tiled wall. This is the Princes' School,
where the early education of the Royal male children was carried on
until they were eight or ten years old. The entrance is through a
small fore-court by the last pillar, whence access is also gained
to the suite of the Chief Etmuch, or Kislar Agha. These two sets of
apartments, the Princes' School and the Chief Eunuch's suite, are
closely related both architecturally and scholastically, for the chief
rooms in the school extend over the Eunuch's suite on the upper
floor, and it was the Chief Eunuch whose duty it was to superintend
the education of the Princes, as well as that of the girls.

According to Ottaviano Bon (1604-7), the boys live in the
women's quarters until they are eleven years old. From the fifth
year to the eleventh they have their kogia, or tutor, chosen by the
King and assigned to them as master. He enters the harem every day,
and is led to a room in the black eunuchs' quarters without even
seeing the women. In this room the boys are accompanied by two
old black slaves. The tutor teaches them for as many hours as he is
permitted to stay, and then goes outside again. When the heir to
the throne has fmished his early schooling and has been circumcized,
or whenever the Sultan sees fit not to keep him any longer in his
company, he organizes a household for him complete in every respect,
and gives him one of the chief eunuchs as controller, who is called
the Lola Pasha, assigns him his master, and gradually provides him
with servants either from the Seragho or from outside, in proportion
as the claims of his position demand, allotting to him and all the
others whatever allowance seems appropriate.

The school consists of several rooms all decorated in a highly
rococo style, displaying French influence that proclaims a later date
than, for instance, one finds in the simpler tiled rooms which often
serve as anterooms. One of these contains an elaborate map of

128

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

Mecca, entirely in tiles, dating from about 1665. Good specimens of
Cufic inscriptions over the doors, and interlaced wooden door panel-
ling, reminiscent of similar work in the Alhambra, at Granada, will
be noticed.

The suite of the Kislar Agha (No. 37) is small and compact. It
includes several rooms, chief among them being a deHghtful coffee-
room, a bedroom, a smoking-room, and a lavatory. All the rooms
are now open to the public and well repay a visit.

The right side of the courtyard is taken up with the apartments of
the Treasurer and the Chamberlain (Nos. 38 and 39). As already
mentioned, the courtyard leads directly to the door of the harem
itself (No. 41 ) . Through this door access is gained to the courtyard of
the Sultan Vahde (No. 64), on the left, and to the Golden Road,
straight ahead through a small door in the right-hand comer of the
harem anteroom, or guard-room (No. 42).

We now turn to the number of black eunuchs employed and their
several duties. At first the status of the white eunuchs had been
much more important than that of the black, but so great had been
the depredations and embezzlements perpetrated that they gradually
began to lose power, which was transferred to the black eunuchs,
who were really, to a certain extent, their rivals. It was Murad III
who, in 1 591, dispossessed the white Aghas of so much of their power.
As far as the Chief Eunuch was concerned, the loss was very con-
siderable, for it included not only the high position of Chief of the
Girls, but also the lucrative post of nazir, or inspector of the vakfsy
or rehgious endowments of the Imperial mosques, as well as those of
the holy cities of Mecca and Medina. From that time onward the
powers of the Kislar Agha continued to grow. He became com-
mander of the corps o£baltaji, or halberdiers, held the rank of Pasha
with three tails, was confidential messenger between the Sultan and
the Grand Vizir, was alone entitled to have both eunuchs and girls
as slaves, was allotted as many as 300 horses for his personal use,
could alone approach the Sultan at all times of the day and night,
was described as "the most illustrious of the officers who approach
his August Person, and worthy of the confidence of monarchs and of
sovereigns,*' was the most feared, and consequently the most bribed,
official in the whole of the Ottoman Empire. Naturally he was a
I 129

THE HAREM

member of the Privy Council, and, in consultation with the Sultan
VaUde, made appointments to vacant posts, not only in the SeragHo
but also outside. Anybody wishing to gain a favour from the Sultan
by means of the Sultan Vahde would only be able to do it through
the Kislar Agha. As already mentioned, many of the honours and
offices originally under the authority of the white changed to black
eunuchs. In certain reigns some of these were again restored to the
white eunuchs. This, therefore, explains the contradictory accounts
we sometimes read. In the rime of d'Ohsson four officials of the
Outside Service are given as being subordinate to the Kislar Agha :

1. The chief official in charge of the tents and pavilions of the
Sultan [Chadir-Mihter-bashi). He was in command of a corps of
800 men, divided into four companies of 200 men each. Forty of
the chief among them constituted the Veznedars, or weighers of the
money received by the Sultan. They were immediately under the
Veznedar-bashi, Inspector of the Pubhc Treasury, which was situated
in the First Court. The corps also furnished execurioners, who
awaited orders near the Ortakapi.

2. The Superintendent of the Outer Treasury [Hazinedar-hashi).
With twenty men under him as assistants, this officer had charge of
the Depository of Archives of Finance, the store of robes of honour,
the satin purses and golden cloths used in the dispatching of orders
by the Ministry.

3 . The Purveyor (Bazerkian-bashi) of cloths, linens, muslins, and
similar goods needed in the Sultan's household.

4. The Keeper of the Presents (Peshkeshji-bashi)^ who looked after
aU gifts offered the Sultan both by his own subjects and by ambassa-
dors on behalf of their Goveniments.

In the time of Suleiman the Magnificent all these officials were
under the orders of the Kapi Agha, or Chief White Eunuch.

The costume of the Kislar Agha consisted of an under-robe of
flowered silk with a broad sash wound round the waist. Over this,
and usually almost entirely concealing it, was a pehsse of green,
blue, or red material with long sleeves nearly reaching to the ground.
It was trimmed with sable or other rare furs. The hat was a huge
white sugar-loaf affair, worn at a slant on the back of the head.'
' See E.J. W. Gibb, History of Ottoman Poetry (London, 1900-9), vol. iii, p. 295 n. 2.

130

THE KISLAR AGHA, OR CHIEF BLACK EUNUCH

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

Mention might here be made of the collection of figures now on
view in the galleries of the church of St Irene, in the First Court of
the Seraglio. This interesting collection shows the costumes of the
various officials of the Turkish Empire, and was made by Abd ul-
Mejid (1839-61). In his time the figures were in all probabihty
dressed with every detail historically correct. But since those days
the collection has made many journeys, and when fmally it returned
again to St Irene in 1914 many of the figures had been broken,
costumes mixed up or torn beyond repair, and most of the labels
hopelessly misplaced. The Kislar Agha himself has been entirely,
and incorrectly, re-dressed. I possess a drawing of the tableau in which
he originally appeared, and there his dress corresponds exactly to the
description given above, save for the fact that the sleeves are not
trailing.^ In his 1924 guide-book Dr Mamboury describes the thirty-
one groups into which the figures are divided, but any attempt to
trace them all or find them in their correct groups is doomed to
failure. They well deserve proper restoring and re-dressing by experts,
since, to quote Murray's Handbook, "in no other place can the visitor
obtain such a vivid impression of that strange old Turkish life which
passed away for ever when Mahmud II introduced his reforms." ^

As is only to be imagined, the Kislar Agha was an enormously rich
man, and rarely relinquished his post of his own accord. But such
occasions have arisen, and in all cases he is sent to Egypt. In fact,
several of them purchase property in Egypt solely with a view to
retiring there later and spending their last days in Oriental splendour.
No objection is made by the Sultan to these acquisitions, since he
himself is the heir of the Kislar Agha, and knows that everything will
come back to the Crown in time. A handsome pension is given on
retirement.

The baltaji, and also the negro and other women doing paid work
in the Palace, receive their wages from a secretary of the Kislar Agha,

' In addition to the drawing of the Kislar Agha reproduced opposite p. 130, see
Recueil de cent estampes of M. de Ferriol (Paris, 1714-15), Plate 4. Compare with this
Fig. 5 in Plate II of Arif Pacha, Anciens costumes de V empire ottoman ; and especially Fig.
21 of Preziosi, Stamboul (Paris, 1858), where the "Eunuque de Serail" is represented as a
huge and ugly creature on horseback with a gross and cruel face and blubber lips. He
carries a whip of hippopotamus hide in his hand, and an attendant is walking by his side.

* P. 74.

131

THE HAREM

who also keeps an account of the mosque revenues and other moneys
that help to swell his master's income. Yet with all this dignity and
importance the Chief Black Eunuch was a crude, ignorant, and cor-
rupted man, and the thrusting of such power into his hands played
a large part in the decline and fall of the Ottoman Empire.

Next in importance to the Kislar Agha came the Hazinedar Agha^
or Grand Treasurer, who often succeeded him in office. To his care
was entrusted the financial side of the harem as well as that of the
haltaji. He rendered his accounts quarterly, when they were passed
on to the treasurer of the oda. He held the rank of Pasha with three
tails. His deputy was known as the Hazine-Vekil.

Next was the Bash-Mussahib, who acted as liaison officer between
the Sultan and the Kislar Agha. He had eight or ten officers under
him, called Mussahibs, who were on duty in pairs throughout the
day to carry orders from the Sultan to the Mistress of the harem.

Other officers were the Oda-Lala, Master of the Chamber, the
Bash-Kapi-Oghlariy Chief Gatekeeper of the Apartments, and the
Yailak-Bash-Kapi-Oghlan, his assistant. In addition to these, further
officers would be appointed if there was a Sultan VaHde in the
SeragUo. In this case she would have her own Chief Eunuch, her
treasurer, imam, children's tutor. Keeper of the Sherbets, and other
black eunuchs in minor offices, all with numerous assistants ready for
any eventuahty. It will thus be seen that the total number of black
eunuchs employed in the harem at the height of its power could not
have been much less than 600 to 800. Early estimates of the number
employed were very small. About 15 17 Menavino suggests forty,
while in 1537 Junis Bey reduces the figure to twenty. But we must
remember that it was not until after the time of Suleiman that the
harem began to grow to any appreciable extent. The number of
women in the harem in his time was only 300, while under Murad III
it had risen to about 1200, and the number of black eunuchs increased
accordingly. At the beginning of the seventeenth century Bon
tells us that some thirty of them guarded the Sultana's gate alone.
D'Ohsson gives a conservative estimate of*' some two hundred," and
subsequent figures vary between 300 and 500. It is only quite recently
that, with the greater knowledge o£ ^t personnel of the SeragHo and
of the actual construction of the rooms and passages of the harem,

132

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

we have been able to realize how large a number could be em-
ployed, if as many as thirty were detailed to guard a single gate.
That the number fluctuated largely is certain, but more than this is
mere guess-work. The work entrusted to the ordinary black eunuchs
was chiefly that of guards, not only of the outside and inside doors,
but of passages, courtyards, and storerooms. The more personal
oflices were given either to the very young or to the old and ex-
perienced men. It should be reaHzed that the negro eunuch went
through a long and careful training just as the ajem-oghlans did. Once
again we can turn to Bon, who gives us a clear account of their
apprenticeship :

The boys are watched and disciplined by the other youths of the
SeragHo, till at a certain age they are ready for service. They are then
removed thence and sent to the women and placed under others in
the service of the Sultana, being under the command of their chief,
the Kislar Agha, or Head of the Virgins. They have a considerable
allowance, of 60 to 100 aspri a day, two robes of finest silk, clothes, and
other things for their needs throughout the year, besides what is
plentifully bestowed on them from other quarters. They bear names
of flowers, such as Hyacinth, Narcissus, Rose, and Carnation; since
as they are in the service of women they have names suitable to
virginity, whiteness, and fragrance.^

The eunuchs are also entrusted with taking and receiving messages
between the Sultan and the Sultanas, transacting business, visiting
the men's apartments, carrying notes to the Kapi Agha for him to
dehver to the Sultan, and many other similar duties. But from the
moment they enter it they must never leave the Seraglio without
special permission from the Sultana, even though bidden to do some-
thing by one of the lesser wives. No white eunuchs are allowed to
visit their black brethren in any circumstances whatever. Even the
Chief Physician passes in between a double file of black eunuchs with-
out seeing the sign of a woman, and the extended hand of the patient
is the most he is permitted to inspect.

The oflices and duties of the white eunuchs have already been
discussed when their quarters were being dealt with, which occupy a
position between the Second and Third Courts (see pp. 119-121).

' P. 90.
133

THE HAREM

2. The Use of Eunuchs by the Turks and the
Origin of the Custom

Although the use of eunuchs to guard women had been customary
for centuries both in the Middle and in the Far East, the practice was
unknown and unnecessary among the Turks until they had established
their capital in Europe and had begun to adopt so many of the customs
of the Byzantine Greeks. The practice was not new to Constantin-
ople, and although the employment of eunuchs had been forbidden
by Domitian in the first century of the Christian era we fmd con-
stant mention of them in Byzantine times.

The early Sultans knew nothing of eunuchs, just as they knew
nothing of the harem, royal seclusion, elaborate Court ceremonial,
or the almost exclusive employment of Christians to form a slave
government.

At the earliest it was not until the middle of the fifteenth century
that the use of eunuchs began to be adopted. Adrianople had become
the capital in 1 361, and gradually assumed the true nature of a capital :
the city was fortified, pubhc buildings were erected, mosques were
built, and a royal palace was set up. As time went on the Byzantine
custom of the seclusion of majesty began to impress itself on the
conquerors, and the methods previously employed to protect that
majesty were also adopted, and so gradually the harem and the em-
ployment of eunuchs came into being. The two things went together
as they always had done. Despotism and polygamy had created the
necessity for eunuchs, and the injunctions of the Koran were over-
looked with surprising rapidity and casualness. It was, of course,
the swift development of the Turkish Empire that forced the pace.
The continual victories in different parts of Bulgaria, Croatia, and
Greece as well as in Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, and Persia produced a
rich booty in slaves. Presents of slaves, both male and female, from
conquered Emirs or princes wishing to gain the Sultan's favour and
protection, would often include eunuchs, and once the innovation
had proved a success the demand could easily be suppHed. Turkish his-
torians date the introduction of the employment of eunuchs in the first
quarter of the fifteenth century under Muhammad I and Murad IL

134

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

This apparently refers only to white eunuchs. The black variety,
however, were in use about 1475, while by the time of Suleiman the
Magnificent Roxelana's personal guard consisted of both white and
black eunuchs. With the moving of the Royal harem from the Eski
Serai to the new palace on Seraglio Hill about 1541 the institution
became firmly estabhshed. As the power of the Ottoman Empire
grew and the State coffers became full, so also the numbers in the
Seragho increased, and Court ceremony became even more elaborate
than before. If formerly two eunuchs were sufficient to guard a door,
now it was ten. And so the true Oriental love of pomp and display
was given full rein, and the Greco-Byzantine splendour was revived
once more.

But the reign of the eunuchs was a long one, and even in this
twentieth century, in the time of Abd ul-Hamid II, their power was
as great as ever.

It would be hard to find a eunuch more cruel and vile than was
Djevher Agha, a huge, swollen, balloon-like creature of extra-
ordinary stature who ended his wretched life at the rope's end on
Galata Bridge. In Nadir Agha, the second eunuch of this period, a
man bought at the age of ten from an Egyptian slave merchant for
150 francs, we see an example of the girUsh, shm variety. The
revolution of 1908 was the death-blow to a system that was rotten
to the core.

It may be of interest to trace, as briefly as possible, the origin of
the use of eunuchs, the route by which the custom came to Europe,
and whence in later years the Turkish supply was obtained.

The original home of the eunuch appears to have been Mesopo-
tamia, the cradle of so many institutions to be transplanted west-
ward. The contention of Ammianus Marcellinus^ that the first
person to castrate men was Semiramis may perhaps be not so far
firom the truth after all. But we must no longer regard her as the
Ishtar-like goddess of Greek myth, but identify her with Sammu-
ramat, who ruled Assyria as queen-mother from 811 to 808 B.C.
It is proved from extant texts that eunuchs were employed in Assyria,
and their constant mention in the Old Testament (whatever meaning
sdrts may have in each particular reference) only tends to support this

' xiv, 6, 17.
135

THE HAREM

assertion. With the eunuch priest of Ephesian Artemis, Atargatis,
and the Cybele-Attis cult we are not concerned, nor does our brief
inquiry touch rehgious sodomy, widely spread not only in Africa,
but also among the ancient Semites and American aborigines. The
mention of the existence of such strange cults is made to show
how the ' religious ' eunuch was gradually moving westward — from
Mesopotamia to Syria, from Syria to Asia Minor, and from Asia
Minor to Europe.

But this was not the end of the unlioly wedlock between reUgion
and eunuchs, and the unnatural development of asceticism in the
early Christian Church was as virulent as it was amazing. *' The
Kingdom of Heaven is thrown open to eunuchs," declared TertulUan,
while Origen was only one of many who castrated himself. The
patristic code of morahty, as evidenced by the writings of men like
Athanasius, Clement of Alexandria, St Jerome, St Ambrose, and
Gregory of Nyssa, advocated the absolute necessity for chastity at
any cost^ and woman was regarded as the obstacle to that chastity.
The doctrine was dangerous in the extreme, and much appalling
unhappiness must have resulted. To the Church, too, must be
laid the guilt of countenancing the vile practice of castrating boys
to preserve their voices for the Papal choir in the Sistine Chapel.
Although condemned by Benedict XIV the custom continued until
the accession of Leo XIII in 1878. Closely connected was the use of
eunuch singers on the Italian operatic stage, where in the eighteenth
century these castrati were extremely popular, and male sopranos
— Nicolini, Grimaldi, Senesino, FarineUi, and many others — became
famous throughout Europe.

The only other ' rehgious ' eunuchs of which mention should be
made are the Skoptsi {skopets, 'eunuch'), first discovered in 1772 in
villages around Orjol, in the districts of Belev and Alexin. This
secret Russian sect, from a mere sixty, numbers some 100,000 to-day,
although many of its members have not submitted to the rite of
castration. One of their curious beUefs is that Adam and Eve were
created sexless, and that after the Fall the halves of the forbidden
fruit were grafted upon them as testicles and breasts. Hence it is
their duty to restore the disfigured image of God, by aid of the
Knife, to its original form. The sect has a strange attraction for

136

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

Finns, who appear to be temperamentally disposed to religious
fanaticism.

But to return to the ' lay ' eunuch, used to guard harems, we soon
find the practice spreading from Assyria to Persia, and the Persians
are probably the first people we know for certain to have castrated
prisoners for the express purpose of employing them to guard the
harem. When Cyrus captured Babylon in 538 B.C. he decided that
as eunuchs had no famihes they were in the unique position of
having nobody to love and serve other than him who employed
them.

According to Xenophon his argument was as follows :

... he observed that as eunuchs were not susceptible to any [family]
affections, he thought that they would esteem most highly those who
were in the best position to make them rich and to stand by them, if
ever they were wronged, and to place them in offices of honour; and
no one, he thought, could surpass him in bestowing favours of that kind.
Besides, inasmuch as eunuchs are objects of contempt to the rest of
mankind, for this reason, if for no other, they need a master who will
be their patron ; for there is no man who would not think that he had
a right to take advantage of a eunuch at every opportunity unless there
were some higher power to prevent his doing so ; but there is no reason
why even a eunuch should not be superior to all others in fidelity to
his master. But he did not admit what many might very easily be
inclined to suppose, that eunuchs are weaklings; and he drew this
conclusion also from the case of other animals : for instance, vicious
horses, when gelded, stop biting and prancing about, to be sure, but
are none the less fit for service in war ; and bulls, when castrated, lose
somewhat of their high spirit and unruliness but are not deprived of
their strength or capacity for work. And in the same way dogs, when
castrated, stop running away from their masters, but are no less useful
for watching or hunting. And men, too, in the same way, become
gender when deprived of this desire, but not less careful of that which
is entrusted to them; they are not made any less efficient horsemen,
or any less skilful lancers, or less ambitious men. On the contrary,
they showed both in times of war and in hunting that they still pre-
served in their souls a spirit of rivalry ; and of their fidelity they gave
the best proof upon the fall of their masters, for no one ever performed
acts of greater fidehty in his master's misfortunes than eunuchs do.
And if it is thought with some justice that they are inferior in bodily
strength, yet on the field of batde steel makes the weak equal to the

137

THE HAREM

Strong. Recognizing these facts, he selected eunuchs for every post of
personal service to him, from the door-keepers up.^

Although in a fev^ exceptional cases the judgment of Cyrus has
proved correct, yet as a general rule the power of eunuchs has
brought in its trail nothing but cruelty, intrigue, corruption, and
disaster.

Herodotus ^ tells us how the Persians castrated the lonians and
carried them off, together with the most beautiful virgins, to their
king. Thus the custom became only too well knov^oi in Greece at
an early date. In the opposite direction, castration was already well
established in China, and flourished there until the fall of the great
Palace of Pekin.

But in the West the contagion of Asiatic luxury introduced the
eunuch to Rome as well as Greece, and Gibbon has much to tell us
of the reign of the eunuchs over the Roman world :

Restrained by the severe edicts of Domitian and Nerva, cherished by
the pride of Diocletian, reduced to an humble station by the prudence
of Constantine, they multipUed in the palaces of his degenerate sons,
and insensibly acquired the knowledge, and at length the direction, of
the secret councils of Constantius.^

But there were those who feared not to attack this cancer that was
rotting the heart of the Empire, and Claudian, the last of the classic
poets, devotes an entire poem to an attack on Eutropius, the eunuch
who dominated Arcadius (378-408) so utterly. With pen dipped in
vitriol he fmds it hard to express his loathing and contempt for the
eunuch and the depth to which the state has sunk to allow such vermin
to govern. " Up hastens the Armenian," he cries,

skilled by operating v^dth unerring knife to make males womanish
and to increase their loathly value by such loss. He drains the body's
life-giving fluid from its double source and with one blow deprives
his victim of a father's function and the name of husband.'^

But in spite of everything the custom lingered in the Levant, and
when the Turks first began to seclude their women the Byzantines

' Cyropcedia, vii, v, 60-65, translated by W. Miller, vol. ii (1914), the Loeb Classical
Library. * vi, 32.

3 See further Decline and Fall, chapter xix.
♦ Translated by M. Platnauer, 47-51. vol. i (1920), the Loeb Classical Library.

138

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

were able to supply the necessary eunuchs for a time. But soon they
began to look farther afield. White eunuchs were obtainable from
many of the conquered areas, but they often proved dehcate, and
the mortality was great. The negro was tried, and proved both cheap
and successful. Thus a demand for them was created, and the slave-
dealers soon taught the African chiefs that a living prisoner was much
more valuable than a dead one. This is not the place to discuss the
growth of the slave traffic, but a word might well be said on the
locality from which these negroes were drawn and the routes by
which they reached their destination. Although the supply of negroes
went entirely to Muhammadan countries, it was in all probability
only geographical considerations that kept them from ever reaching
the other great palace which employed such enormous quantities of
eunuchs — that in the Forbidden City of Pekin. The great difference
between the eunuchs in Turkey and those in Pekin was that whereas
in China they were all Chinese, in Turkey they were anything but
Turks. As far as the Levant was concerned, Egypt, Abyssinia, and
Central Africa became a happy hunting-ground, and thus as time
went on the Georgian and Circassian 'whites' were supplemented
by the Abyssinian and Sudanese 'blacks.' According to Muhamma-
dan law slaves captured in war became the absolute property of the
victor, and, as any title to property could be transferred, the slave-
dealer, having procured his slaves from an African chief or Arab
kidnapper, could legally commit his right to any Muhammadan
customer who cared to pay the price. Consequently a flourishing and
lucrative trade was soon estabhshed. The chief locality from which
the negroes were obtained was in the upper reaches of the White
Nile, chiefly Kordofan, Darfur, and Dongola as well as the Bagirmi
district to the south-east of Lake Chad. Others came from Abys-
sinia, whence they proceeded to the Red Sea ports of Massawa and
Suakin to begin a weary journey to the chief emporiums, such as
Smyrna, Beirut, Jeddah, Mecca, Medina, and Constantinople. For
the most part the White Nile negroes would be taken up the Nile
to Alexandria, crammed like sardines in tiny boats, or else they would
be made to cross the Sahara partly on foot and partly on camel,
fmally to reach the coast at Tripoli, Tunis, or Morocco. The trans-
portation of the human merchandise was naturally a tedious and risky

139

THE HAREM

affair, and entrepots had to be established en route. On the Nile
route they were at Gondokoro and Khartoum, and at such places as
Kebabo and Marzuk, in the Fezzan district, on the Sahara route. It
was during the halts at these places that the castration of the negro
boys took place. The operation was dangerous, and, with only the
warm desert sand to use as a styptic, mortality was high, but the
slave-dealer had allowed for this, and such eunuch boys as did arrive
at their destination compensated for the losses by the large prices
they fetched. The caravan would also contain a large number of
negresses, to fmd a ready market in Cairo and Constantinople.
Eunuchs, being a luxury, were often privately sold, going to the
homes of the rich Pashas, if not to the Seragho itself. The rest of the
stock would be taken to the slave market, which has only dis-
appeared in recent years.

Some description of the methods of meeting the demand for white
eunuchs has already been given when we were dealing with their
quarters in the Seragho (see pp. 121-122).

3. The Physiological and Psychological Aspect

The inclusion of a short section on this side of the subject is due
not so much to the desire to make this chapter as complete as possible,
but rather to the fact that a better appreciation of the physical and
mental condition of eunuchs and their varieties will unquestionably
lead to the greater understanding of the harem system and to its
gradual decay and fall, so largely caused by the introduction and
increasing influence of this unproductive, sterile, unnatural, and
altogether unwholesome member of society — the eunuch.

From the earliest times a considerable interest has been shown in
regard to eunuchs. This is really only natural, for even freaks of
nature are sufficient to hold the interest of the curious, so much so that
no travelling circus is complete without its Siamese twins, bearded
lady, Tom Thumb, or some other example of the grim jokes of
nature.

But in the case of eunuchs everybody knows that the condition is
not natural, but is a terrible mutilation imposed by one male upon
another. The eflect is seen — and heard — the reason is generally

140

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

appreciated ; but the methods by which the mutilation is carried out
and the different degrees to which this can be done appear to be
hardly known at all. This general ignorance is certainly not due to
lack of interest in the subject, but to several distinct factors — the
scarcity of pubUshed information, the gradual discontinuance of the
custom, the secrecy which has always surrounded the infamous trade
of making eunuchs, and the consequential disinclination of those con-
nected in any way with it to discuss the subject at all. Most of the
writers on eunuchs wrote under noms-de-plume, while, with the single
exception of the book by Millant (see p. 151), there appears to be no
modern work on the subject whatsoever. As is often the case, the
etymological history of the words connected with the subject affords
a certain amount of information. There is, however, considerable
difference of opinion among scholars about the derivation and mean-
ing of the best-known word of all — 'eunuch.' Several German
philologists suggest that the Greek evvovxot is a loan word from the
Semitic. I can, however, fmd no proof of this whatever, and in-
quiries from Assyrian and Hebrew scholars in Great Britain have
yielded nothing in support of such a theory. It would seem, then,
that the old derivation, firom evvrj, * bed,* and o;^, the ablaut stem of
ex^LVy ' to keep ' — the word thus meaning ' he who has charge of the
bed* — should still be adhered to. The only Assyrian connexion
appears to be through the Hebrew sans, * eunuch,' which is a loan
word from the Assyrian sa resi, meaning, as a passage in a medical
text explains, la alidi, 'he who does not beget.' Thus these words
are self-explanatory, whereas ' eunuch ' tells us nothing of the physical
condition. It should be noted, however, that the Hebrew sans had
two distinct meanings — in fact, they were really two separate words
— one being 'eunuch' and die other 'captain,' 'high official,' or
'chamberlain.' The latter occurs chiefly in the Old Testament
(Deuteronomy, 2 Kings, Isaiah, Jeremiah, etc.), while in Matthew,
Acts, and Romans the former is the meaning intended.^ There are
several other words connected with castration that are informative,
as they show us that the condition was brought about by crushing,
striking, cutting, and pulling.

' On this subject see further T. K, Cheync and J. S. Black, Encyclopedia Biblica, vol, ii
(1901).

T4T

THE HAREM

The method of striking or crushing ' is apparent in such words as
the Latin capo, 'capon,' from the Greek kotttoj, 'strike,' the Greek
6\dBta<i, &\l^la<i, 'eunuch,' from ^\a&>, 'crush,' and the Sanskrit
vadhri, 'eunuch,' from vadh, 'strike.' Cutting is shown in the Latin
castro, 'castrate,' from root kes, in the Sanskrit sas, ' cut,' in the Greek
TOfila^, 'eunuch,' from rifivfo, 'cut,' and in the Sanskrit nirasta,
'castrated,' from asri, 'edge' or 'knife.' Finally, the operation of
pulling or dragging appears to be implied in such words as the Greek
a-TrdBcov, 'eunuch, from <nrd(o, drag.

Thus it would seem that there are several kinds of eimuchs, quite
apart from those born entirely impotent. The early Christians
naturally followed Matthew, xix, 12, where we read :

For there are eunuchs, which were so born from their mother's
womb : and there are eunuchs, which were made eunuchs by men :
and there are eunuchs, which made themselves eunuchs for the king-
dom of heaven's sake.

Critics of this passage tell us that the word * eunuch* is usedsymboHc-
ally, and the meaning is that those who have entirely devoted them-
selves to the interests of the kingdom of heaven cannot satisfy the
claims of married hfe. However, Origen Hved to repent his too
literal rendering of the passage. It is interesting to note that Muham-
mad also uses the word in a symbohc sense when he condemns the
making of eunuchs, and adds, "Castration in Islam may consist only
in fasting."
In classical times the varieties of eunuchs were as follows:

(i) Castrati, clean-cut — both penis and testicles.

(2) Spadones, whose testicles only are removed by a process of

dragging.

(3) Thlibice, whose testicles are bruised and crushed, the seminal

glands being thus permanently injured — chiefly apphed
in the case of the very young.

The thlasice were almost identical with No. 3 above.

In the East, according to Burton,^ there were also three kinds :

' Mentioned in the Sanskrit Atharva-Veda, VI, cxxxviii, 2.
» Nights, Supp. vol. i, pp. 71-72.

142

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

(i) Sandali, or clean-shaved. The parts are swept off by a single
cut of a razor, a tube (tin or wooden) is set in the urethra,
the wound is cauterized with boiling oil, and the patient
is planted in a fresh dung-hill. His diet is milk, and if
under puberty he often survives.

(2) The eunuch whose penis is removed. He retains all the

power of copulation and procreation without the where-
withal ; and this, since the discovery of caoutchouc, has
often been supplied.

(3) The eunuch, or classical thlibias and semivir, who has been

rendered sexless by the removing of the testicles (as the
priests of Cybele were castrated with a stone knife), or
by their being bruised (the Greek dXaa-ca<;), twisted,
seared, or bandaged.

Methods seem to have been similar in all countries, the only differ-
ences being in the local means employed to stop haemorrhage and to
prevent the passages from swelling. Stent gives a detailed description
of the method adopted with Chinese eunuchs :

The operation is performed in this manner: — white ligatures or
bandages are bound tightly round the lower part of the belly and the
upper parts of the thighs, to prevent too much hemorrhage. The
parts about to be operated on are then bathed three times with hot
pepper-water, the intended eunuch being in a reclining position.
When the parts have been sufficiently bathed, the whole — both testicles
and penis — are cut off as closely as possible with a small carved knife,
something in the shape of a sickle. The emasculation being effected, a
pewter needle or spigot is carefully thrust into the main orifice at the
root of the penis ; the wound is then covered with paper samrated in
cold water and is carefuUy bound up. After the wound is dressed the
patient is made to walk about the room, supported by two * knifers,'
for two or three hours, when he is allowed to He down. The patient
is not allowed to drink anything for three days, during which time he
often suffers great agony, not only from thirst, but from intense pain,
and from the impossibility of reHeving nature during that period. At
the end of three days the bandage is taken off, the spigot is pulled out,
and the sufferer obtains reHef in the copious flow of urine which
spurts out Hke a fountain. If this takes place satisfactorily, the patient
is considered out of danger and congratulated on it ; but if the un-
fortunate wretch cannot make water he is doomed to a death of

143

THE HAREM

agony, for the passages have become swollen and nothing can save
him.^

The mortality is not great, although exaggerated figures have
been given. It is obvious, however, that the number of fatal cases
among young negroes at the mercy of unskilled ' knifers ' would be
considerable. In fact, a large discount for ' losses en route ' was always
allowed. In speaking of eunuchs in the Seraglio Sandys and Rycaut
mention the fact that they carried quills of silver hidden in their
turbans, through which to make water.

The physical and mental effects of castration naturally vary accord-
ing to the age at w^hich the operation is performed. If the subject is
a child not yet arrived at the age of puberty and if proper precau-
tions are taken the operation is not dangerous. But after puberty
both physical and mental effects become a very important factor.
The mind has begun to reahze the promptings of nature even if
actual intercourse has not taken place, and consequently the full
realization of the irreparable loss brings an agony of mind that is
hard for us to reahze. But even if sexual thoughts or desires were absent
it would often happen that when constant attendance upon women
had created a knowledge, all too late, of what pleasures awaited the
normal man, a feeling of terrible resentment would be experienced,
coupled with a mingled feeling of revenge and despair. No wonder,
then, that eunuchs have been described as ill-tempered, morose,
childish, petulant, revengeful, cruel, and arrogant; and on the
other hand as simple, credulous, harmless, fawning, fond of pleasure,
and very generous in their dealings. This apparent contradiction of
characteristics would seem to arise from the widely varying effects
the operation has on different subjects. It is not only the age of the
victim that has to be considered in the forming of his mental make-
up, but the circumstances that led to his castration. A boy captured
in a raid and sold later would never bear the terrible grudge against
humanity in general, and his parents in particular, as a boy would
who had been sold by his parents for the mere lust of gain. The physi-
cal effects of castration are well known — complete lack of bodily
hair, the feminine 'cracked' voice (deeper, however, in the black
races), the gradual flabbiness of the body, often accompanied by
» Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, North China branch (1877), p. 171.

144

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

obesity and ugly wrinkling of the skin in later life. Among other
effects of castration may be mentioned a weak bladder, loss of
memory, insomnia, and bad eyesight. Eunuchs have no liking for
alcohol, of which the smallest amount is sufficient to make them
incapable. They prefer cakes and sweetmeats to meat. Their
favourite colour is red. They like music, especially the rhythmic
beat of the drum or tambourine and all Central African instruments.
They are neat in their habits, but are miserly and fond of accumulat-
ing wealth. They unite the small brain of the negro with the childish
imagination of the ignorant Oriental. Consequently they believe the
wildest stories, and once an idea has entered their minds nothing can
change it. A terrible story about a Chinese eunuch, related later,
goes to illustrate this point. They adore what we call ' fairy stories,'
and can listen to recitations of the Thousand Nights and a Night and
similar collections for an indefinite period. They love children and
animals, including chickens, sheep, cows, and monkeys — ^but most
of all cats, which they keep as pets and treat with the utmost care and
attention.

As regards sexual feelings, it is quite incorrect to imagine that a
castrated male loses all desires immediately. Not only is he often
attracted strongly to women, but, strange as it may seem, evokes
affection in return, and in the history of the harem many marriages
of eunuchs have taken place. In such cases, however, the eunuch
' hves out,' and is usually drafted to one of the lesser palaces in
the town. Such venereal promptings are naturally regulated by the
state of the prostate, which in the case of eunuchs castrated before
puberty is entirely atrophied.'

In a manuscript^ dated 1699-1700, in the British Museum, by
J. Richards, one of the Richards brothers, of Solsborough, County
Wexford, is an interesting reference to marriages of eunuchs :

There is a 3^^ Sort of Marriage if it may be so called between an
Eunuch and a Woman and I hear meane those who are cut close, not-
withstanding w^ it is credibly reported that they have commerce in a
manner unknown to us, and it is no great matter, nay eaven the

' See further Hikmet and Regnault, two Constantinople doctors, in " Les Eunuques
de Constantinople " {Bulletin et mimoires de la societe d" anthropologic de Paris, tome ii, Serie
V, Paris, 1901, pp. 234-240).

* Stowe MSS., 462, fF. 47^-48,

K 145

THE HAREM

Women amongst themselves have w^ays of Suplying the DefFect of
Men & it is not to be w^ondered att that these miserable Creatures who
have no other knowledge of themselves than that [they] are made for
the use of Man, nor that faith w'' teaches a future reward and punish-
ment for Vertue & Vice, it is not to be admired [wondered (?)] att y'
they should give themselves up to all maiier of Lusts & Sensuahty in
w^ they say y' they excell all other Women.

The sentiments that Montesquieu puts into the mouth of the Chief
Eunuch in his 9th and 64th Letters may well express the true feelings
of a man castrated after puberty. Montesquieu, we know, relied
chiefly on Tavemier and Chardin for his knowledge of the Seraglio
and its customs, but his knowledge of women was first-hand. In
the 9th Letter, speaking of his disillusionment about the peace
and quiet of mind that wotdd be his after castration, when he
found to his horror that women still attracted him, the eunuch
continues :

... far from being reheved, I found myself surrounded by objects
which continually whetted my desires. When I entered the SeragHo,
where everything filled me with regret for what I had lost, my agita-
tion increased every moment; a thousand natural charms seemed to
unfold themselves to my sight only to tantahze me ; . . . I never led
a woman to my master's bed without feehng wild rage in my heart,
and despair unutterable in my soul. ... I remember one day, as I
attended a lady at the bath, I was so carried away that I lost command
of myself, and dared to lay my hand where I should not. My first
thought was that my last day had come. I was, however, fortunate
enough to escape a dreadful death ; but the fair one, whom I had made
the wimess of my weakness, extorted a heavy price for her silence : I
entirely lost command of her, and she forced me, each time at the risk
of my life, to comply with a thousand caprices.

At length the fire of his youth died out, and in its place arose a
desire to pay back for all the misery he had endured by harsh
treatment :

The Seragho is my Empire; and my ambition, the only passion
left me, fmds no small gratification. I mark with pleasure that my
presence is required at all times ; I willingly incur the hatred of all
these women, because that establishes me more firmly in my post.
And they do not hate me for nothing, I can tell you: I interfere
with their most innocent pleasures ; I am always in the way, an insur-

146

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

mountable obstacle ; before they know where they are they find their
schemes frustrated ; I am armed with refusals, I bristle with scruples ;
not a word is heard from me but duty, virtue, chastity, modesty. . . .
Do not suppose that in my turn I have not to suffer endless unpleasant-
ness. Every day these women seek occasions to repay me with interest
and their reprisals are often terrible.

And the unhappy man tells of the thousand and one tricks they play
on him, arousing his suspicion, anger, sympathy, and doubt just to
make mock of him ; and how all his efforts may be undone when their
false tears, sighs, and embraces melt their master's heart. "It is their
time of triumph," he concludes, "their charms are arrayed against
me . . . and nothing can plead for me with a master who is no longer
himself."

That eunuchs often nurse their grievances for years, and take their
revenge if opportunity offers, is well known from the history of
Hermotimus the Pedasian, the most favoured of all the eunuchs of
Xerxes. According to Herodotus' he was taken by an enemy and
sold, being purchased by one Panionius, a Chian, who gained a liveli-
hood by most infamous practices. For whenever he purchased boys
remarkable for their beauty, having castrated them, he used to take
and sell them at Sardis and Ephesus for large sums. Hermotimus had
been one of these unfortunate boys. Chance brought him in touch
with Panionius once more, and he persuaded him to move to Sardis
with his wife and children. Having thus got his old enemy into his
power, Hermotimus upbraided him for his terrible livelihood and
forced him to castrate his own four sons. Not being yet satisfied,
he then made the sons castrate their father. "Thus the vengeance of
Hermotimus overtook Panionius."

The knowledge that coitus was possible for quite a long time
after partial castration led the ' fast ' women of degenerate Rome to
take full advantage of the situation. Thus Martial's bitter epigram
demands :

Do you ask, Pannychus, why your Caeha only consorts with
eunuchs? Caeha wants the flowers of marriage — not the fruit. ^

And again, referring to Domitian's law forbidding castration,
Martial says :

' viii, 105, 106. * vi, 67.

THE HAREM

It used to be a sport to violate the sacred ties of marriage ; a sport to
mutilate innocent males. Both you forbid, Caesar, and so help the
generations yet to come, as you order that births are to be free from
guilt. Thus while you are ruler no man will be eunuch or adulterer ;
but formerly (what morals !) even a eunuch was an adulterer.'

Juvenal gives us more detail on the same subject :

Some women always dehght in soft eunuchs and tender kisses, and
in the absence of beard and the fact that the use of abortives is un-
necessary. The height of their enjoyment, however, is when the lads
have been led to the doctor in the heat and first flush of youth with
a bush of dark hairs already visible ; and the testicles they have waited
for and encouraged to grow in the early stages, as soon as they reach a
couple of pounds, the surgeon, Hehodorus, seizes and scores just that
much over the barber. Made a eunuch by his mistress, conspicuous
from afar, he enters the bath the cynosure of all eyes, and vies with
[Priapus] the guardian of our vines and gardens. Let him he with his
mistress, but, Postumus, trust not your Bromius, already grown to
manhood, to him.^

Indeed, the fact that the eunuch who has lost only his testicles can
have erections for a considerable time and enjoy sexual intercourse
was fully recognized whenever such people were employed. In
fact, the motif (if so it can be called) forms the main theme of the
*' Tale of the First Eunuch, Bukhayt," in the Nights.^ A negro youth
seduces a girl and suffers castration as a punishment. He is then made
her Agha, but continues to have connexion with her until she dies.
In a typical note on the tale Burton tells us that his erectio et distentio
penis would last as long as his heart and circulation kept sound. Hence
the eunuch who preserves his penis is much prized in the zenana,
where some women prefer him to the entire man, on account of his
long performance of the deed of kind ; but chiefly, I may add with
Juvenal, because ahortio non est opus.

It was impossible to stop every form of sexual indulgence in the
SeragHo, and a eunuch in touch with the outside world could easily
smuggle artificial phalli and similar erotic succedania into the harem
and to a certain extent play the part of Lesbian, which by its very
novelty and perversion might help to satisfy the cravings of a bored
and neglected woman. Even a married eunuch, then, was not

' vi, 2. * vi, 366-378. 3 Burton, vol. ii, pp. 49-50.

148

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

entirely deprived of all sexual enjoyment. Burton gained the con-
fidence of a eunuch's wife, who told him that her husband practised
the manifold plaisirs de la petite oie (masturbation, tribadism, irruma-
tion, tete-heche,feuiUe-de-rose, etc.) till they induced the venereal orgasm
(the secretion of the prostate gland?). At the critical moment she
held up a little pillow for her husband to bite, who otherwise would
have torn her cheeks or breasts. There is ample evidence to show
that eunuchs often had a deep and genuine affection for some of their
charges, entirely free from any question of subsequent gain. It is
more difficult to appreciate the technique employed by the woman
to induce orgasm in the eunuchs, and no satisfactory accounts
appear to exist. The procedure probably centres about the region
immediately surrounding the opening of the urethra, as eunuchs
sometimes report erotic sensations in that area. Anal massage would
also play its part, while the knowledge and use of aphrodisiacs would
assist.

It will thus be realized that after adopting the Byzantine custom of
employing eunuchs to guard their harems the Turks were very careful
to use only those who were fully emasculated. White eunuchs —
Georgians and Circassians — were given jobs that would never bring
them into close touch with the women, as in most cases their castra-
tion was incomplete. But as regards the negroes, the highest prices
were paid for those who, besides being entirely rase, possessed the
ugliest and most revolting faces, it being imagined (correctly or not)
that this was a further guard against any profligacy on the part of
the women. The Seraglio doctors not only inspected the eunuchs
on admission, but examined them every few years just to see that
everything was in order and that nothing had grown again! A
curious tale is told of an arrogant Chinese chief eunuch who flourished
in Chien-lung's reign (1736-96). One day he insulted the omni-
potent President Liu, telling him that his power was unable to extend
to eunuchs. The next day Liu informed the Emperor that many of
the eunuchs had grown to such an extent as to render recastration
necessary, and that licentiousness and disorder were rife between
them and the women. An immediate inspection was ordered,
with the result that under the fresh operation many eunuchs died
and appalling suffering was endured afresh. The arrogance of the

149

THE HAREM

eunuchs was thus forcibly checked for a time. Superstition and
ignorance was capable of anything, and Stent tells us of another
eunuch named Wei-chung-hsien who secretly kept a concubine and
tried every known medicine to regain his powers of procreation. A
doctor told him that if he extracted the brains of seven men and
ate them his genitals would return to their original state. He there-
fore procured seven criminals, had their heads split open, the brains
extracted from them, and devoured the revolting mess. Tradition
does not inform us whether this horrible remedy produced the desired
effect or not.

But the days of the eunuch are over. With the passing of the
harem in the Muhammadan world (save in Mecca itself) the necessity
for the eunuch has disappeared, and despite all my efforts in Turkey
I met only two, or possibly three, of these strange beings. I was told
that these were the last of them. They had been a necessary evil
where despotism and polygamy held sway, but now they are a thing
of the past — and already have returned in our minds to the pages of
the Arabian Nights, where alone they seem rightly to belong.

4. Bibliography

Bibhographically the eunuch will not detain us long, as there
appear to be only three or four works entirely devoted to him. I
have already given a list of articles and references to the eunuch,^
but at that time could only discover one actual book: that by
Ancillon published in 1707. I can now add two or three more. But
first of all I might mention that 'Ancillon' was the nom-de-plume — or,
rather, anagram — of Comte d'Ollincan, and his work was translated
into EngHsh by Robert Samber (anonymously) in 1718.^ Of the
other books I have come across the earliest is one by Joannes Heri-
bertus, which is a nom-de-plume of Teofilo Raynaud, the Italian Jesuit
theologian and conversationalist.^ The title is as follows: Eunuchi
nati, facti, mystici ex sacra et humana litteratura illustrati.^ The British

' Ocean of Story (London, 1925), vol. iii, pp. 328-329, "Indian Eunuchs."

* Under the title o£ Eunuchism displayed, describing all the Different Sorts of Eunuchs . . .

with Several Observations on Modern Eunuchs, written by a Person of Honour (London).
' He wrote many curious works, for some description of which see Brunet, Manuel

du libraire, under " Raynaud." ♦ Divione, 1655.

150

THE BLACK EUNUCHS

Museum library contains three copies of it. The next book is by
Hieronymus Delphinus, Eunuchi conjugium ; hoc est, scripta varia de
conjugio inter eunuchum et virginem juvenculam anno 1666 contractor

At the time of writing the latest work on the subject appears to be
Les Eunuques a tr avers les ages, by Le Dr Richard Millant.^ It is as yet
the most comprehensive work extant. My attention was drawn to
it by Dr E. D. Gumming, of New York, who is busy on a history of
castration.

There remains only to mention the work of H. R. M. Chamber-
lain, The Eunuch in Society, which was fmished several years ago and,
I beheve, still awaits a pubhsher.

» lenae, 1685. The British Museum library possesses two copies of this edition, and
others of 1697, 1730, and 1737. Brunet knew only of the last two. Pisanus Fraxi (H. S.
Ashbee) gives some description of the 1697 edition in his Catena librorum tacendomm,
pp. 15-20.

* Pubhshed in Paris, 1908, as vol. xiii of the Bibliotheque des perversions sexuelles.

151

CHAPTER VII

THE HAREM— I

XJefore we discuss the working arrangement of the harem system
when it was at its height, and consider some details of the various
ceremonies and activities carried on within its walls, readers will
probably want to know how much remains to-day, and just what
they would see if they visited the Seraglio to-morrow. I shall
therefore give most of this chapter to a description of the harem
buildings, both outside and inside, so far as I know them. I make this
reservation purposely, because at the present moment it is impossible
for anybody to examine every part of every room and corridor of
the harem, even if he is armed with special permission issued by
Kemal Atatiirk himself. The reason for this is that the fragile state
of many of the floors renders them dangerous to walk on ; while
several rooms and passages are entirely blocked up either by general
debris or else by piles of packing-cases, trunks, enormous chandeliers,
derelict sofas, etc. I consider myself very lucky in having been able
to obtain the photograph of the courtyard of the harem girls (opposite
p. 156), especially as even the official photographer has never been
accorded such a privilege. For the full appreciation of this curious
mass of little buildings which constitutes the harem it should be realized
at once that its component parts were continually changing. Each
Sultan would satisfy his whims and fancies by the erection of a new
suite for a favourite kadin ; a new courtyard would be built in one
reign, only to be destroyed to make room for a kiosk in the next.
As a rule private suites of past favourites were not repaired and handed
over to a new occupier. On the contrary, when the ex-wives had
been moved to the Old Seragho {Eski Serai) on a Sultan's death, the
rooms were usually left empty and allowed to fall into gradual decay.
In more recent times many structural alterations and redecorations
were made, especially when the French styles (Louis XIV and
Louis XV) began to be popular at the Porte. "We have already
noticed the influence in the Hall of the Divan and certain rooms in

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THE HAREM— I

the black eunuchs' quarters, and we shall notice it still more in the
Fourth Court, where every conceivable kind of European decoration
and furniture found its way to the Kiosk of Abd ul-Mejid.

Of considerable interest is Melling's drawing of the harem, which I
shall discuss in detail later on. At the moment I would merely refer
to it in order to make clear that the harem was never Hke that at all.
The picture merely represents what Melling would have built had
he been entrusted with the complete remodelling of the Seraglio,
as doubtless he hoped he would be. He had already made a good
beginning in being appointed architect to Hatijeh Sultan, the favourite
sister of Selim III, and from what we know of his work up the
Bosphorus and in the Summer Palace, we should be thankful that
political events prevented him from achieving his object, and rob-
bing one of the most interesting and unique spots in the world of
what is left of its past history as evidenced by the buildings them-
selves, not to mention the atmosphere of romance and mystery that
still pervades these tiny rooms, narrow corridors, rickety staircases,
broken marble baths, musty store-cupboards, empty courtyards,
heavily barred windows, and creaky, iron-studded wooden doors.

If you go there try and get rid of your guide and sit and muse alone
as I did. Your powers of imagination must be poor indeed if the
atmosphere of the place remains silent and tells you nothing. Natur-
ally you should read up as much as possible before the visit ; you will
be rewarded a thousandfold.

Interesting as the harem rooms open to the public are,^ only half
the story is told until the closed ones have been inspected as well.
But most interesting of all, I think, are the rooms of the upper
stories. Here the personal atmosphere reigns supreme, and when we
actually stand in the boudoirs and bedrooms of members of the
harem, and realize that we are in the most secret and forbidden spot
of a people whose name was once a terror to Europe, our perspective
begins to change and we feel like intruders, and a sense of reverence
mingled with what almost amounts to fear takes hold of us.

But we are anticipating.

' In 1935-36 they were, apart from the black eunuchs' quarters and the Princes'
School, the suite and courtyard of the Sultan VaUde, the Corridor of the Bath, the Sultan's
bathroom, and the rooms used by Selim III and Abd ul-Hamid I.

THE HAREM

It is not easy to say exactly where the harem begins and where it
ends, or how distinct it was in the early days from the selamlik. That
the two approached each other very closely architecturally is obvious
from an inspection of the buildings as they are to-day. Roughly
speaking, the ' general ' portion lay directly north-west of the black
eunuchs' quarters, while the various suites were in the vicinity of the
courtyard of the Sultan Valide, or Queen-Mother, along the south-
eastern side of which ran the Golden Road, connecting the selamlik
with the courtyard of the black eunuchs and the Hall of the Divan.
If the wall between the two Royal bathrooms (Nos. 79 and 80)
was prolonged in both directions it would mark roughly the dividing
line between harem and selamlik.

There were two outer gates connecting with the main door of the
harem. The first of these (No. 30) has already been mentioned as that
near the Divan Tower, known as the Carriage Gate, since it was here
that the ladies entered their carriages on those rather rare occasions
when they went out for an airing. The second outer gate (No. 40),
known usually as the Ku§hane Kapisi, or Gate of the Aviary, led
from the western comer of the Third Court, and acted chiefly as
a service gate. A narrow passage leads round to the main door
{Ciimlekapisi) which gives immediate access to the Nobetyeri, or Guard-
room (No. 42). As can be seen from the plan, this room occupies a
very important point strategically, as it is necessary to pass through
it in order to reach every part of the harem. In one comer is
the entrance to the Golden Road, while from the opposite side the
courtyard of the Sultan Valide and the courtyard and rooms of the
harem slaves are reached.

The quarters of the harem slaves can be discussed first. They are
divided into two separate sections, the first being next to the Nohet-
yeri, and the other right round the comer to the left. It should be
pointed out that whereas this first building (No. 43) is described by
the Director of the Seraglio as " the apartments of the women slaves,"
it is impossible to say if this was always so, and I am of the opinion
that although some members of the harem occupied all three floors,
they were not always of the lowest class, but, owing to the very
position of the building, were in aU probability kadins, and each
floor would constitute a suite. In later years it is quite likely that

154

THE HAREM— I

changes occurred, but the majority of the rooms of the harem slaves
were clustered round the courtyard to the left (No. 44), and by their
communal nature are much more fitted to the housing of a large
body of women than is the first building. Immediately behind is a
square reservoir, supplying the neighbouring fountains and baths.

As we turn to the left the courtyard of the harem slaves appears,
and it was at the entrance to it that I took the photograph repro-
duced in the plate opposite p. 156.

An arcade of nine arches, supported by as many pillars with lotus
capitals, lines the whole of the left side and farther end (No. 44).
The ground floor on this side is occupied by the kitchen, baths, and
stairway leading to the bedrooms on the first floor, which extend all
round the far end of the courtyard and, as we shall see later, com-
municate by a well with others on the ground floor. The kitchen is
a small room immediately to the left opposite the second and third
pillars, and needs no description, as it is entirely dismantled and used
as a storeroom. Next this is the hamam, consisting of two rooms of
unequal size, both originaUy lined with white marble, as shown by
sections which still remain in situ at odd places. The basins are in a
good state of preservation. There is a small window let into the
wall between the two rooms used as a lamp niche. At the back of
the smaller room is a lavatory of the usual type, consisting merely of
marble foot-pieces and a sunken receptacle behind. Farther down the
court are the rooms of the harem commissary and the coflee-maker.

On the opposite side of the court, not shown in the photograph,
are three long, narrow rooms, occupied by the Head Nurse, the
Mistress of the harem, and the Chief Laundress, and another large
room apparently shared by other members of the harem stafl". I can-
not guarantee the allocation of these rooms, as the information given
me in the Seraglio was not at all clear and may only refer to com-
paratively recent times.

The most interesting of the rooms is that of the Head Nurse,
which is divided by a small toilet and large cupboard into two almost
equal parts. The first of these has some fme tiling on the walls. The
second contains six painted wall cupboards and two windows lead-
ing on to a balcony. I was informed that the cradles of the Sultan's
numerous progeny were put out here for an airing. It is certainly

155

THE HAREM

a most delightful spot, looking straight out on to the gardens, with
the Bosphorus ahead and the Marmora to the right. A most beauti-
ful golden cradle encrusted with precious stones {Murassa altin he§ik)
is to be seen in the Seraglio Museum.

It would appear that certain alterations have occurred, because in an
old picture each of these three rooms had a separate balcony, and
to-day there is only one long balcony, as the photograph reproduced
opposite p. 102 shows. Adjoining the Head Nurse's room is a double
doorway opening on to a flight of stone steps which lead under the
building to the gardens below. Farther along past the room of the
Mistress of the harem is another double door, through which access
is gained to the harem hospital, but I shall return to that below.

As already mentioned, the staircase on the left of the courtyard
leads up to the girls' bedrooms. Beyond a small lavatory on a half-
landing a narrow passage is soon reached at the top of the stairs,
off which lead several small rooms, apparently the suite of the
Mistress on night duty. The main room at the end of the passage is
interesting from several points of view. Its walls are extremely
thick, with three double windows heavily barred and three mattress
cupboards on the garden side, three more windows on the courtyard
side closer together, and three more mattress cupboards on the con-
necting side to the right. Eight short pillars with lotus capitals, too
heavy for the room, support the ceiling, and enclose a parapet
protecting a large rectangular opening through which nearly the
whole of the ground-floor room can be seen. This lower room is
also a large bedroom, lined with mattress cupboards, and here some
of the original mattresses can still be seen in a sad state of repair. A
small lavatory and water-tap complete the fittings of the upstairs
room. The girls' mattresses would be laid out in a row right round
the wall opening, and the Mistress would fmd it easy to control the
occupants of both floors by this simple arrangement. Mention might
be made of a small parasol box or cupboard at the angle of the passage
just outside the door of the first room at the top of the stairs.

Returning to the courtyard and crossing over to the other side,
we come to the double doors leading to a long flight of fifty-three
stone steps, broken at intervals to form small landings giving access
to rooms on both sides connected with the so-called harem hospital,

156

THE HAREM— I

to which they ultimately lead. On reaching the bottom one fmds
oneself in a charming courtyard full of trees, surrounded by an
arched colonnade supported on eight square columns each side, but
none at either end. It would be hard to imagine a more sequestered
or unexpected spot. Hidden away on the lower side of the hill,
reached only by a secret staircase under the other buildings, and visible
only from the Head Nurse's balcony, this little courtyard and its
surrounding rooms are as romantic as they are fascinating, even if
they did constitute a hospital, which I am inclined to doubt. The
rooms themselves vary in depth and size, mainly owing to the slope
of the outside wall. They occupy two floors, the entrance to the
second floor being gained from the first landing up the steps again.
The present condition of the rooms is deplorable, and as many of
them are entirely without windows, or have them blocked up or
shuttered, it is difficult to inspect them in any detail — especially as
the masses o£ debris hinder progress, besides which some of the floors
and ceilings have holes in them, and the danger of falling slats, plaster,
and masonry is by no means negligible. However, the general im-
pression is favourable as far as the facihties provided for the running
of quarters of this size are concerned. On the ground floor there is a
series of deep dark rooms to the right, now devoid of all decoration.
Following the rooms round the courtyard from right to left, one
comes to a large hamam of considerable artistic interest. Several
beautiful marble fountains are to be seen, some still in situ. The
amount of broken masonry and rubbish is, however, so great that
it is practically impossible to state the exact extent and condition of
the marble flooring and panelling.

Continuing round the far comer, we observe that two floors of
rooms occupy this shorter side, and appear to be the kitchen quarters
— the coflee-room and bedrooms of the kitchen staff'. The kitchen
itself lies to the left, a large high room on the ground floor, capable
of providing for fifty people at the least. Remains of ovens and
serving-tables can still be recognized among the debris. Next the
kitchen is a large toilet-room containing five separate lavatories and
a considerable space for washing and minor ablutions. The other
rooms on this side closely resemble those opposite. They would
appear, however, to be sitting-rooms rather than bedrooms.

157

THE HAREM

The rooms on the first floor are for the most part small — obviously
more bedrooms — except for another kitchen, and one of somewhat
different proportions, which may possibly have been occupied by the
matron. Most of the bedrooms are unsafe to walk in, and the visitor
has to be content with standing at the threshold. From a small
second landing a little yard can be seen connecting with some of the
basement rooms, while on looking upward to the right we can
distinguish the balcony of the Head Nurse's rooms. It is now realized
how low down the hospital lies, for although this is the first floor, the
Nurse's rooms far above us are on the ground floor of the main
building.

Owing to the size, extent, and fittings of this so-called harem
hospital, I cannot help wondering if it was always used as such, for
it is much larger than the quarters of the harem girls, which hardly
seems reasonable. The size of the baths, kitchens, and toilets suggests a
busy crowded quarter continually in full working order rather than a
hospital for which numbers would vary greatly, and which in itself
hardly seems to agree with what little we know of the very secret way
in which a Seraglio doctor was introduced to the room of a sick girl.

So much, then, for the entire quarters of the main body of the harem
girls, or slaves as they are often called. Everybody was a slave of the
Sultan, so that the term must not be taken too literally. The harder
work was done almost entirely by negresses, whose lodgings were
for the most part in the basements under the main building. The
work allotted to the other girls varied according as to how far they
had got in their training, which was an important part of the harem
system, and to which I shall return in the next chapter. The remain-
ing portions of the harem are devoted to the courtyard and suite of
the Sultan Valide, the adjacent rooms comiected with her retinue and
the management of the harem, and the suites for specially favoured
kadins. Such a suite would appear to have once existed in what is
now described as the Sultanahmet Ko^kii (No. 63 in our plan). The
entrance lies almost exactly opposite the first row of columns in the
girls' courtyard.

A steep flight of steps leads into a long and very high rectangular
room now devoid of all decoration. Such a high room is quite
out of keeping with the rest of the building, and at once suggests

158

THE HAREM— I

the collapse of at least one floor and subsequent partial renovation.
High up in the corner is a small balcony, bright with coloured wood-
work. Behind this is a landing with a few steps leading to a charm-
ing Httle painted room looking out over the suite of the Sultan Valide
towards the Bosphorus. The style and decoration of the room, its
pretty rounded shape, with its many windows and gaily coloured
paintings of Italian gardens, proclaim it to be a kind of summer
kiosk free to catch the breezes from the Bosphorus and Marmora and
far removed from the inquisitive gaze of the less lucky members of
the Imperial harem. The room is in bad repair, and merits immediate
attention, as in its own quiet way it is a little gem.

From the square courtyard of the Sultan Valide access can be
gained to her suite of four rooms. They consist of a small waiting-
room to the right, a corridor room leading to the dining-room
(yemek odasi), and a bedroom {yatak odasi) leading off to the left with
a sofa lounge looking out towards the Bosphorus. All these rooms
are open to the public, and so need Httle description here. They are
for the most part beautifully tiled with large floral designs ; painted
and gilded ceilings and baroque gilded carvings show later additions.
A few carpets remain, but little else. This, then, is the most im-
portant, if not the most intriguing, part of the harem. From here the
whole SeragHo, and at times the whole Turkish Empire, was ruled.
These tiny silent rooms could indeed a tale unfold, and we cannot
help feeling privileged to see them at all, even in their altered, dis-
mantled state. The courtyard has also undergone many changes, as
the sudden discontinuance of the Turkish arches and pillars bearing
the lotus capital clearly shows. A little tiling surrounding and lining a
large niche to the right of the Sultan Valide's doorway is all that
remains of what must have once extended much farther round the
courtyard. The opposite side forms the inner wall of the Golden
Road, while in the northern corner entrance is gained to the Vesti-
bule of the Hearth {Ocakli Sofa) and the Vestibule of the Fountain
{(^e§meli Sofa). Here we are really outside the harem, but it is
difficult to draw hard-and-fast rules, as considerable architectural
changes occurred in this part towards the end of the seventeenth
century. For instance, that part now occupied in the plan by Nos.
72 and 73 is described in the official guide-books as Ba§kadin ve

159

THE HAREM

Kadinlar Dariesi (suite of the Chief Kadin and of the kadins). Thus this
was obviously part of the harem, but in the seventeenth century it
seems that a portion of it was separated off and used to form the
Vestibule of the Hearth (No. 70) so as to connect the Hiinkar Sofasi
(No. 77) with the courtyard of the Sultan Valide. The door lead-
ing from the courtyard (No. 69) was known as the Gate of the
Throne [Taht Kapisi). The Ba§kadin room is now filled with debris
of various kinds, but some of the original decoration is still visible.

The Ocakli Sofa, on the other hand, has been well preserved, and
contains completely tiled walls surrounded by a Cufic cornice, a
very fme brass chimney with conical canopy and pierced fire-guard.
There is also a charming wall fountain, while the doors are of some
dark wood — possibly ebony — iulaid with mother-of-pearl.

The neighbouring rooms all belong to the seldmlik, and will be
discussed in a later chapter. The furnace-room and so-called bath of
the Sultan, situated near the Sultan Valide's suite, will be described
in the chapter on the baths (see pp. 205-206). The connecting link
between the seldmlik and the harem was the Golden Road, a long cor-
ridor which displays on its walls some of the most lovely tile decora-
tion in existence. At the end of the chapter on the walls and kiosks
I mentioned how the Turkish tile industry originated in the fifteenth
century, reached its height of perfection during the sixteenth, and
died out in the first half of the eighteenth century. Three separate
periods can be recognized, of which the Chinili Kaosk is the best
example of the first, while in the second the finest work was pro-
duced, and no better examples can be found than those in the
Golden Road of the Seraglio. The advance over the first-period
work is very noticeable. The range of colours has increased, and the
glaze has reached the utmost degree of brilliance. Yellow has dis-
appeared, but its place is taken by a series of lovely reds, varying
from a true scarlet to a coral- or tomato-red. These reds stand out
in slight relief, and are an indication of tilework at its zenith. A
lovely panel from the Golden Road (dated 1575) was reproduced as
•Plate XXIV in Tahsin Chukru's article already mentioned. "It is
impossible," he writes,

to examine these tiles without delight, for the ground is of the purest
white, the glazes flawless, the draughtmanship is strong, the colours

160

AN ACCOUCHEMENT IN THE HAREM

1 60

THE HAREM— I

do not merge with one another or run in the glaze, the pigments are
perfect ; they have been endowed by the fire with power of vivacity.

The great advance in the tile industry at this time was due to Sinan,
whose architectural masterpieces prompted a parallel advance in
decorative art.

Beginning at the Guard-room of the harem, the Golden Road runs
along one side of the Sultan VaHde's courtyard, and continues on
between the suite of the kadins and the harem mosque, past the court-
yard of the Kafes, or Cage, until it reaches the pillared hall near the
PaviHon of the Holy Mantle.

This completes the survey of the harem rooms. Before discussing
the administration and general customs of the harem I shall turn to
the question of female costume.

In the chapter dealing with the black eunuchs, after briefly describ-
ing the costume of the Kislar Agha, I referred to the collection of
figures now on view in the church of St Irene, in the First Court,
and remarked that many of the costumes had become mixed up or
been incorrectly repaired. To a considerable extent matters can be
rectified (if nothing has been done officially since 1935) by a study of
the many fme works on Turkish costume, and by photographs of
the tableaux of the figures before they started on their wanderings
(see p. 131) — photographs still to be obtained in Constantinople. It
is interesting to note that among the 143 figures in the collection no
woman is represented, even in outdoor dress, so that no idea of the
harem costumes can be obtained at all. As compared with the mag-
nificent costumes of the Turkish officials, it may be that the female
dress is simple and uninteresting. Outdoors the women appeared to
be Httle more than a hobbling bundle of rather drab-looking clothes,
but the harem could tell a very different story, and so I will devote
the rest of this chapter to a somewhat detailed consideration of the
whole subject. But first of all a word of a general nature may be
allowed.

In studying Turkish costume it should be remembered that several
factors have played their part in producing such an unparalleled array
of gorgeous clothes — from the gold and scarlet of the sailors to the
brocade and sable robes of the nobles.
L 161

THE HAR£M

Among the early Sultans Orkhan devoted much time to the
regulation of the cut and colours of the garments and the different
forms of turbans, and costume became the distinguishing mark of
rank among the ruling race, as well as the token of creed among the
subject nations. As time went on the costumes grew still more
elaborate, and with the expansion of the Ottoman Empire new posts
were created and new uniforms became necessary. With the capture
of Constantinople many Byzantine costumes were closely copied,
and so the Turkish love of pomp and display found a fresh source
from which to borrow.

By the time of Suleiman costume was no longer merely a matter
of custom and tradition. It became law. In the Kanuni Teshrifat,
or Law of Ceremonies, regulations concerning the colour, shape,
materials, length, and breadth of robes and turbans were clearly laid
down. The order of precedence and the observances proper to all
occasions were also a matter of law.

The story of Constantinople has been described as a costume
drama, and surely this is no exaggeration in a country where rules
regarding costume and Court etiquette are not merely unwritten
laws, but are given the rank and authority of Imperial laws. "All
the classes of members of the Sultan's household," writes Lybyer,

all the high officers of government, and all the separate bodies of troops
in the standing army were clearly distinguished from each other by
costume or head-dress or by both. Each group, and every officer in
each group, had his exact place in every ceremonial assembly and his
exact rank in every procession.^

The ceremonies were as numerous as they were varied — whether
it was the reception of a foreign ambassador, one of the feasts of
Bairdm, the sailing of the fleet, the setting out of the army, or the
circumcision of the Sultan's heir. Each would be the occasion for
one of the most splendid exhibitions of costume the world had ever
seen. Some very shght idea can be obtained from the Sultan's Bairdm
procession to the mosque, as shown in the illustration opposite p. 94,
but this was nothing to the more important and personal ceremonies,
such as the circumcision of the heir to the throne. In all this pageantry

' The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman the Magnificent,
p. 135.

162

THE HAREM— I

of dress and ceremonial the part played by women was small indeed.
A woman was not meant to be seen by any man except her husband,
and that was the end of it ! Yet time has proved that the very regula-
tions of feminine costume greatly assisted the clandestine meetings
of wives with their lovers. A husband would be quite unable to
recognize his oaaoi wife in the street, and to touch or speak to a
woman publicly would, of course, be unthinkable. Her veil and
cloak were as sacred as the doors of the harem. And so even with
women law was clearly established and recognized. In the Seraglio
regulations regarding costume were followed as closely as those
applying to the male officials in the town. Each season demanded
an entire change of raiment, and the Sultan never saw any member
of the harem twice in the same dress. The greatest care was naturally
taken with the outdoor costume when trips up the Bosphorus were
made, or shopping excursions indulged in during the reigns of the
more lenient Sultans. It will be realized how difficult it was to obtain
any account of the indoor costumes, and even in the Seraglio itself
it was only the eunuchs who saw them. Thus travellers were depend-
ent for their information on such descriptions as friendly eunuchs
chanced to give, either direct or through other members of the
SeragUo. For, after all, it was the woman and not the dress that was
taboo. Another possible source of information would be through
the clothes-dealers, both new and second-hand, and odd information
and scandal would doubtless be obtained in the market-place from
the Jewesses who sold trinkets, ribbons, and lace to the Seraglio.

As is the case in so many dealings with the Turks, we owe the first
descriptions to Italians. The earliest I can find is that by Bassano da
Zara {c. 1540), while the first drawings are those by Nicolas de
Nicolay (155 1). Bassano deals chiefly with the outdoor costume, as
is only to be expected, but discusses at random such kindred subjects
as ' make-up ' and the depilatory. Some of the words in the text do
not appear in dictionaries, but I have added notes where necessary :

In Turkey the women, whether Christian, Turk, or Jewish, dress
themselves very richly in silk. They wear cloaks ^ down to the ground
Hned just like those of the men. They wear closed-up boots, but fitting

' Casacche — i.e., casacca, a 'long cloak,' and also a 'jacket.' Similar words are casaca
cazeta, meaning the same thing, while casacchino is a lady's cape.

163

THE HAREM

tighter to the ankle and more arched than those of the men. All wear
trousers ; the chemises are of very fme linen, some having them of
muslin, some white, and some dyed red, yellow, or blue. They are
fond of black hair, and if any woman by nature does not possess it she
acquires it by artificial means. If they are fair or grey through old age
they use a red dye Hke that with which horses tails are dyed. It is
called ChnaJ- The same is used on their nails, sometimes the whole
hand, sometimes the foot following the shape of the shoe, and again
some dye the pubic region and four fmgers' length above it. And for
this reason they remove the hairs, considering it a sin to have any in
the private parts. They decorate their hair with small bands of ribbon
and leave them spread out over their shoulders, and falling over their
dress. Covering their hair they have a coloured strip of thin silk (as
wide as a priest's stole) with a httle fringe at the edges. On the head
they also have a small round cap, neat and close-fitting, embroidered
with satin, damask, or silk and coloured. Many of them wear one of
velvet or brocade, to which the above-mentioned stole is attached. I
have seen some women who fasten the stole to a httle white cap, and
then put one of silk on the top of that. It is not more than half a palm
in height. They use cosmetics more than any other nation I have seen.
They paint their eyebrows with black stuff, very thick; and I have
noticed some of them make their two look hke one by painting the
space between, a thing which (in my opinion) is very unsightly.*
They paint their lips red, which I think they learned from the Greek
women or from those of Pera, who devote much attention to this.
They have big breasts and crooked feet, and this comes from their
sitting on the ground cross-wise. For the most part they are fat
because they eat a lot of rice with buUock's meat and butter, much more
than the men do. They do not drink wine, but sugared water, or
Cervosa [herb-beer] made in their own manner. Christian women
who hve in Turkish houses, for whatever reason, have to give up wine.
When they go out of doors over the cloak or Dullimano, which they
ordinarily wear, they put a chemise of the whitest linen. Just as with
the regular clerics among us, it is of such a nature that one can only

' I.e., henna, the khanna of the Egyptians and kena of the modem Greeks (ancient
KV7rpo<i, as it grew in Cyprus).

* Just as in the case of henna, which is a good preventive against perspiration, so cer-
tain forms of eye-black {kol^l, surma, ksjal, tutia, etc.) give coohiess to the eyes and help to
prevent ophthalmia, as well as being a guard against the evil eye. The meeting of the
eyebrows, while considered beautiful in Muhammadan countries, is not liked among the
Hindus, and in Iceland, Denmark, Germany, Greece, and Bohemia it is considered a sign
of a werewolf or vampire. See on the whole subject of ' make-up ' my article in vol. i of
the Ocean of Story, Appendix II, "Collyrium and Kohl," pp. 211-218, and the note at
pp. 103-104 of vol. ii of the same work.

164

THE HAREM— I

see half an arm's length of the cloak. The garment is hke a surpHce
with tight sleeves long enough to cover the entire hand, so that one
cannot even see the nails, and they do this because in Turkey neither
man nor woman wears gloves whatever the weather may be. They
wear a towel" round the neck and head, so that one can only see their
eyes and mouth, and these they cover with a thin silk scarf a palm's
width each way, through which they can see and not be seen by others.
The scarf is fastened with three pins^ to a suitable part of the head
above the forehead, so that when they go through the streets and meet
other women, they raise the scarf that hangs over their faces and kiss
one another. These scarfs are of silk, as wide as towels, Hke those the
men also wear, and are called Chussech. This then, that you have read,
is their dress with which they are so covered that one cannot even see
a finger-nail, and this is because the Turks are more jealous than any
other nation. 3

Before giving a detailed description of each article of clothing I
will add one or two more accounts for the sake of comparison, and
in order to cover a greater period of time and to introduce as many
names as possible. First of all I will quote from Nicolas de Nicolay,
who unfortunately gives no description in his text, but simply refers
readers to the drawings. He visited Constantinople in 155 1, and
managed to get some of the dresses put on certain pubhc women to
enable him to make his " draughtes and protractes " correctly. After
stating that only the Chief Eunuch could ever see the women
he adds :

And therefore to fmde the meanes to represent vnto you the maner
of their apparrel I fel famiharly acquainted with an Eunuche of the
late Barbarousse called zaferaga of nation a Ragusan, being a man of
great discretion & a louer of vertue, which from his tender age had
been brought vp within the Serail, who, so soone as he had perceiued
that I was desirous to see the fashion of the attyre and apparrell of these
women, to satisfie my mind, caused to be clothed two pubhque
Turkish women, with very rich apparrell, which hee sent for [from]
the Bezestan whereas there is too be solde of all sortes, by the which
I made the draughtes and protractes heere represented vnto you.*

* Sciugatoio — i.e., asciugatoio, meaning a ' bath towel,' * napkin,' or ' antimacassar.' Here
it is apparently a cloth or woollen under-scarf

* Acucchie. I cannot find this word, but it would seem to be connected with acuire, * to
sharpen.'

' I Costumi et i modi particolari de la vita de Turchi (Roma, 1545), pp. 6-7.

* P. 53 uerso of the Enghsh and p. 67 of the French edition.

165

THE HAREM

The elaborate embroideries and incrustation of jewels in which
most of the girls became adept can only be imagined, although a good
idea of the work can be obtained from some of the pieces of material
in the SeragHo Museum. As a general rule the dress of the harem
girls corresponded, as far as the actual articles of attire were con-
cerned, with those worn by the ordinary Turkish lady of standing.
The rich brocades made in Brusa were well known, and it is clearly
this material that Nicolay represents in his drawings of the Sultan
VaUde and gentlewoman in her serail.^ There is a special copy of
a 1572 German translation of the work at the British Museum;^ it
is elaborately coloured and illuminated. It gives a remarkably good
idea of the richness of the brocades. The Sultan Valide is represented
as wearing a tunic with the ends tucked up, displaying a long under-
garment open at the front and about eight inches from the ground.
A broad sash is tied round the waist. The sleeves are tight-fitting,
with strips of brocade hanging from the shoulders. The gentle-
woman wears a similar tunic with a row of buttons in firont. Both
the under-chemise and the trousers show, which was not so in the
Sultana's costume. The sash and shoulder strips are similar to the
above. Each article of clothing should be identified, with its Turkish
name, by reference to my Hst later on in this chapter. As already
mentioned, writers on women's costume could give only second- or
third-hand information as far as the harem was concerned, and would
never be able to see the costumes actually worn by their owners.

There was, however, one exception. Our old friend Dallam,
whom we met in chapter ii, actually saw some of the harem girls
through a wall grating, and gives this account of his adventure:

When he had showed me many other thinges which I wondered at,
than crossinge throughe a litle squar courte paved with marble, he
poynted me to goo to a graite in a wale, but made me a sine that he
myghte not goo thether him selfe. When I came to the grait the wale
was verrie thicke, and graited on bothe the sides with iron verrie
strongly; but through that graite I did se thirtie of the Grand Sinyor's
Concobines that weare playinge with a bale in another courte. At the
firste sighte of them I thoughte they had bene yonge men, but when

' Facing pp. 67 and 68 of the French edition and at p, 52 and 54 of the EngUsh edition.
* C. 55. i. 4. The illumination is the work of the contemporary Nuremberger
Georg Mack. See G. K. Nagler, Die Monogrammisten, vol. iii. p. 53.

166

THE SULTAN VALIDE

i66

THE HAREM— I

I saw the hare of their heades hange doone on their backes, platted
together with a tasle of smale pearle hanginge in the lower end of it,
and by other plaine tokens, I did know them to be women, and verrie
prettie ones in deede.

Theie wore upon theire heades nothinge bute a little capp of clothe
of goulde, which did but cover the crowne of her heade; no bandes a
boute their neckes, nor anythinge but faire cheans of pearle and a juell
hanginge on their breste, and juels in their ears ; their coats weare Uke
a souldier's mandilyon,^ som of reed sattan and som of blew, and som
of other coUors, and grded hke a lace of contraire collor ; they wore
britchis of scamatie,^ a fine clothe made of coton woll, as whyte as
snow and as fine as lane;^ for I could desame the skin of their thies
throughe it. These britchis cam doone to their mydlege; som of
them did weare fine cordevan buskins, and som had their leges naked,
with a goulde ringe on the smale of her legg ; on her foute a velvett
panttoble * 4 or 5 inches hie. I stood so longe loukinge upon them
that he which had showed me all this kindnes began to be verrie angrie
with me. He made a wrye mouthe, and stamped with his foute to
make me give over looking; the which I was verrie lothe to dow,
for that sighte did please me wondrous well.^

Before giving my own list I should like to include a description by
a lady who actually wore the costume. It would be impossible to
choose anybody better than Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, who in
a letter to her sister on April i, 171 7, writes as follows :

The first piece of my dress is a pair of drawers, very full, that reach
to my shoes, and conceal the legs more modestly than your petticoats.
They are of a thin rose-coloured damask, brocaded with silver flowers,
my shoes are of white kid leather, embroidered with gold. Over this
hangs my smock, of a fine white silk gauze, edged with embroidery.
This smock has wide sleeves, hanging half way down the arm, and is
closed at the neck with a diamond button ; but the shape and colour
of the bosom very well to be distinguished through it. The antery
is a waistcoat, made close to the shape, of white and gold damask, with
very long sleeves falling back, and fringed with deep gold fringe, and
should have diamond or pearl buttons. My caftan, of the same stuff
with my drawers, is a robe exacdy fitted to my shape, and reaching

' Mandilion — i.e., a soldier's cloak. " A mandilion that did with button meet " (Chap-
man, Iliad, x).

* Scamatie, derived from the Italian scamatare, 'to beat off the dust of wool.*
3 Muslin or lawn.

♦ The high shoe is still worn by Turkish women.

s Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, pp. 74-75.

167

THE HAREM

to my feet, with very long strait falling sleeves. Over this is the girdle,
of about four fingers broad which aU that can afford have entirely of
diamonds or other precious stones; those who will not be at that
expense, have it of exquisite embroidery on satin; but it must be
fastened before with a clasp of diamonds. The curdee is a loose robe
they throw off or put on according to the weather, being of a rich
brocade (mine is green and gold), either lined with ermine or sables;
the sleeves reach very httle below the shoulders. The head-dress is
composed of a cap, called talpock, which is in winter of fine velvet
embroidered with pearls or diamonds, and in summer of a hght
shining silver stuff. This is fixed on one side of the head, hanging a
litde way down with a gold tassel, and bound on, either with a circle
of diamonds (as I have seen several) or a rich embroidered handker-
chief. On the other side of the head, the hair is laid flat ; and here the
ladies are at liberty to shew their fancies ; some putting flowers, others
a plume of heron's feathers, and, in short, what they please ; but the
most general fashion is a large bouquet of jewels, made hke natural
flowers ; that is, the buds of pearl ; the rose, of different coloured
rubies; the jessamines, of diamonds; the jonquils, of topazes, etc., so
well set and enamelled, 'tis hard to imagine anything of that kind so
beautiful. The hair hangs at its fuU length behind, divided into tresses
braided with pearl or ribbon, which is always in great quantity.

As we are now acquainted with several accounts of the dress of
Turkish women, both indoor and outdoor, I shall attempt to list
all the several articles of clothing in the order worn, giving their
modern spellings first, and explain as fully as possible their nature
and use. As far as I can gather the mode seems to have altered Httle
during the centuries. Certain articles have had different names at
different times, and a word originally applied only to a material was
later used for the garment, and so on. But generally speaking altera-
tions have been slight. Some of the older words do not appear in
modem dictionaries, but I shall add variations of spelling wherever
possible.

I. Gomlek, formerly giumlik. This is a loose shirt or chemise
made either of a mixture of cotton and wool or, among the richer,
of silk gauze, usually white, but also found in red, yellow, and blue.
Formerly it was left open in front as far as the waist, exposing the
breasts, but later the fashion was modified, and jewellery closed the
garment at the neck and across the bosom. The sleeves are wide and
loose, edged with satin or lace {oya). It extended only as far as the

i68

THE HAREM— I

knees, and was sometimes tucked into the dizlik, or drawers, but
apparently more usually hung loosely over them.

2. Dizliky dyslik. This garment, deriving its name from diz, * knee,'
and so meaning ' knee-things,' is a pair of linen drawers, cut very wide
and drawn close round the waist by an ugkur (formerly outchkoor), a
tape or string passing through the top edge, as in our modern pyjamas.
They do not appear to have been always worn as well as the §alvar,
which latter garment formed the " first piece " of Lady Mary Wortley
Montagu's costume. They are short drawers, tied at the knee, and
to-day the word is used to express the modern 'shorts.'

3. Salvar, shalwar. These are the outer trousers, or, if the dizlik is
not worn, the only trousers or drawers. They are very loosely cut
indeed, being some three yards wide at the waist. Drawn together
at the waist by an ugkur (very elaborate and richly embroidered among
the well-to-do), they are looped up below the knees, and fall in
folds to the ankles. Other varieties reach directly dov^oi to the
ankles, especially if the dizlik is also worn. They are of all materials
and all colours. In the Seragho the women vie with each other in
the beauty of their §alvar. The fmest Brusa brocades, purfled with
gold and silver thread, are largely used, and as about eight yards are
necessary they can be very expensive garments. The name kaftan or
caftan was appHed to the length of embroidered material used, but
by extension also to the resulting garment ; thus Lady Mary Wortley
Montagu employed the word to describe her entari, or outer garment.
The name kaftan was also used for the robe of honour, because of
its being covered with embroidery.

4. Yelek. This is perhaps best described as a lady's waistcoat, thus
corresponding to the men's yelek, which is simply an embroidered
silk waistcoat. If, however, the ye/efe was provided with arms and
trailed on the ground, as sometimes was the case, it practically became
an entari, the next article I shall try to describe. In all cases the yelek
fits closely to the figure, and usually has a row of little buttons close
together, starting at the bosom and reaching a Httle below the waist.
In the long yelek the sides are open from the hips, and the sleeves are
tight-fitting, but open at the wrist.

5. Entari, entary, antery. This is the gown — the most important
article of the harem indoor costume. At the back it fits very tightly,

169

THE HAREM

and has even been described as a corset, while, as we have seen, Lady
Mary Wortley Montagu says, "The antery is a waistcoat, made close to
the shape ..." It is in reahty neither a corset nor a waistcoat, for in
either case the garment would have to be laced or buttoned in front.
Now the entari is wide open in front, and in the days when the open
gotnlek was in fashion the bosom remained entirely exposed. It was
joined, however, at the waist by three or four pearl or diamond
buttons set closely together, as in men's modem single-breasted
evening waistcoats. It was the presence of these buttons that enabled
the back of the entari to fit tightly, and so to appear (to some writers)
like a corset or waistcoat.

The sleeves are tight from the shoulders to below the elbow, at
which point they are open and, being very long, hang down nearly
to the ground. The sleeve of the gotnlek is thus exposed from the
elbow to the wrist.

At the waist the entari becomes fuller, and is open at both sides.
It is some two or three feet longer than the wearer, and for walking
the ends are tucked up into the waist girdle, or ku§ak, to be described
next. But among the ladies of the harem little walking was necessary,
and the ends of the gown would be gracefully draped over the edge
of the sofa or divan. The material of the entari closely resembled that
used for the §alvar, the finest embroidered Brusa brocade being used
in the old days, while in more modern times damasks, silks, satins,
and brocades were imported from Venice, Lyons, and other places
by the Greeks, Jews, and especially the Armenians. It was the
Armenians who became expert in manufacturing braiding (arj) of
gold and silk, which added greatly to the richness of the entari.

From the above description it wiU be clearly seen that the yelek
and the entari are practically the same garment. A close inspection
of some of the sixteenth-century drawings — e.g., those of Nicolay,
Lonicer, VeceUio, Jost Amman, Boissard, Bry and BerteUi — appears
to show a simple waistcoat form of the yelek, cut low and revealing
the gomlek underneath modestly closed and shghtly gathered, with
the entari worn as an over-robe. However correct or incorrect these
early drawings are, and however much should be allowed for artistic
licence and the making of a pretty and acceptable drawing for
Western tastes, it is fairly obvious that it was quite possible to dis-

170

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A KADIN IN INDOOR COSTUME

170

THE HAREM— I

pense with one of the two garments in question, and that only the
rich would ever possess both.

6. Ku§ak, kooshak, the chussech of Bassano da Zara. This is a waist-
shawl or girdle made of wool, caUco, linen, or silk according to the
taste or status of the wearer. In the harem it is loose, and worn very
wide round the waist and buttocks, or else used as a scarf round the
shoulders. Among the ' staff' of the harem it serves its proper purpose
of waist-band, and acts as a receptacle for money, handkerchiefs,
documents, ink-horns, etc. With the kadins its place is usually taken
by a jewelled girdle. Apart from the seiman, a wadded jacket, and
the kurk, a fur pehsse only worn in cold weather, there remain of
indoor garments but the headdress and shoes to be described. I
shall discuss the shoes first.

7. §ip§ip,tchipship. These are house sHppers without heels, pointed
and slightly curved at the ends. They are of nearly all materials and
colours, and richly embroidered in gold, pearls, and precious stones.
Rosettes of pearls, gold cord, and similar decorations are also often
added on the instep.

For going out the pabug (papoosh) is worn, which is a strong-soled
shoe of yellow leather.

A third shoe, or rather slipper-boot, is the gedik {tchelik) of yellow
Morocco leather a few inches high in front. For use in the garden
these shoes might be made of velvet and other similar material. It
would appear that the "Velvett panttoble 4 or 5 inches hie" of
Dallam was a particular form of either pa^wf or gedik.^

8. Fotaza. This is the indoor headdress, and has been well described
by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, except that the talpock, or kalpak,
is an Armenian word, and really refers only to the astrakhan turban
as worn by the Armenians. There are many varieties, some being of
cloth and only bordered with astrakhan. Just as the turban consists
of two separate articles, so does the fotaza. First there is a flat-topped
little cap (takke) rather like a squat fez, made of the fmest felt or,
especially in former days, of velvet. A blue or gold tassel spreads
itself over the crown and falls down to one side. It is worn at a
jaunty angle at the back of the head and covered with pearls and

' For names of other kinds of footwear, used chiefly by men, reference should be made
to EvUyd Efendi, Narrative of Travels, II, pp. 210, 211.

171

THE HAREM

diamonds, or cheaper jewellery and embroidery among the less rich.
In close conjunction, and doubled across the front of the cap, is a
beautifully embroidered muslin handkerchief, known as a yemeni.
It is used partly to keep the cap in place, but mainly as an additional
portion of the headdress on which can be fixed more jewellery.
Large bodkins studded with diamonds and rubies were largely used
by the kadins, and other jewellery was fastened in the hair, which
hung to one side in long tresses. Out of doors the headdress is
completely covered by the upper part of the ya§mak, or veil, to which
we now turn.

9. Ya§mak. This is a veil exclusive to Constantinople, and con-
sists of two pieces of fine muslin or, in more recent days, of tarlatan.
Each is folded comer-wise, or else only a single thickness is used.
The first piece is placed across the bridge of the nose, and, passing
over the mouth and chin and falling on to the bosom, is tied or pinned
at the nape of the neck. The second piece is placed over the head, being
brought down in front as far as the eyebrows, while the rest hangs
behind, and is either tucked in underneath the ferace, or outer robe,
or else pinned to the other piece of the ya§mak at the nape of the neck.

As the veil is very thin the features can be quite clearly seen,
although it is highly important that the whole nose should not be
exposed, or the lady might be taken for an Armenian — or possibly
for a prostitute.

In other parts of the Turkish Empire much heavier and rather ugly
veils are worn, one of the most common being the mahramah, which
consists of a kind of caHco petticoat, the upper part of which is
thrown over the head and held under the chin, while the face is
entirely concealed by a dark handkerchief. So also the ya§mak differs
from the Cairene hurko, which is a long piece of black cloth or muslin
stretching from under the eyes nearly to the ground. Another form
of Muhammadan veil is the litham, or lisam, but this word is almost
entirely used for the desert mouth-veil of the Tuaregs (Tawariks) of
the Sahara; in a poetical sense it is used figuratively, and Arabian
poets describe dawn as "the day doffing its lisdm.'' Examples of
aU these veils, as well as the face-screen of black horse-hair used in
parts of Asia Minor, will be found in the more important works on
Turkish and Arabian costume.

172

THE HAREM— I

10. Ferace, feridje, ferigee. There remains now but to mention the
loose-sleeve cloak-like garment worn by all Turkish women in the
streets. It is made of black alpaca among the poor, and of a fme
broad cloth or hght Merino among the better classes, while the rich,
or members of the Royal harem, usually have the ferace made of silk
of some delicate pink or lilac colour. A large square cape hangs
behind nearly to the ground. The lining among the rich is often
of black or white satin, and further ornamentation with tassels,
braiding, and a velvet edging is sometimes worn.

This, I think, concludes all the articles of clothing worn by the
Turkish women. ^

' Readers interested in the subject I would refer to the bibUography on costume by
Rene Colas: Bibliographie generale du costume et de la mode (Paris, 1933), 2 vols. Turkey
and Asia Minor wUl be found fully indexed at the end of vol. ii — pp. 29, 30 of the " Table
Methodique." Apart from Nicolay I would especially mention tne works by La Chap-
pclle, Le Hay, Dalvimart — ^whose drawings were nearly aU reproduced in Shoberl's
World in Miniature (London) — MacBean, Preziosi, and Hamdy-Bey.

The best text-book on Muhammadan costume is still R. P. A. Dozy, Dictionnaire
detaille des noms des vetements chez les Arabes (Amsterdam, 1845).

173

CHAPTER VIII

THE HAREM-II

In considering the harem in detail — its personnel, method of adminis-
tration, and general manners and customs — it is imperative to realize
at once that we are not dealing with anything so simple as just a
few hundred women awaiting the pleasure of the Sultan under the
watchful eyes of the black eunuchs. On the contrary, the female
hierarchy o^theharern was a compHcated institution, having a defmite
and fixed number of officer, witE every woman occupying a distinct
posit^on^according^to her age, status, andjhe point at which she had
arrive d in her J^rem education.

The harem, then, must be regarded as a little kingdom of its own,
a curious kingdom certainly, but one in which there was a ruler,
the equivalent of a Prime Minister, a Cabinet, other less important
officials connected with the governing, and finally the subjects — all
occupying different positions, but all being given same definite job
to do with a chance to improve their position as time went on.

Let us look at conditions as they were when the harem was at its
height in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
' The ruler of the harem is not the Sultan, nor the head wife or First
Kadin (recognized concubine), but the Sultan's mother, the Sultan
VaUde.

The Turks recognize that a man can have many wives, that he can
get rid of unwanted ones and take others at will, but that he can
have only one mother, and it is she, therefore, who occupies the
unique place of honour that nothing can alter save death. To her,
then, are entrusted the most personal and private belongings of her
son — his women. The power of the Sultan Vahde is enormous, not ^
only in the harem, but throughout the entire Empire. As is only
to be imagined, there is ceaseless warfare between the Sultan's 4:^
mother and^is favourite kadins. The most ambitious woman in the
harem is not she who is content to reach the high position of First
Kadin, but she who hopes, plots, and prays to become one day the

174

THE HAREM— II

Sultan Valide ; for then she is not merely ruler of the harem and of "^
the SeragHo, but, if she is strong and her son weak, may even rule
the kingdom as well.

No better example of the power and influence a member of the
harem might acquire could be given than that of Khurrem, the Russian
slave girl, better known in Western Europe as Roxelana. In this
case, however, so great was her influence over Suleiman that the
question of her becoming Sultan VaUde never arose. Bit by bit
Roxelana removed all obstacles in her path. About 1541 she had
persuaded the Sultan to let her hve with him in the Seragho instead
of remaining in the Old Palace, although at this time she was only 1 -^
Second Kadin. After the death of Suleiman's mother only two rivals j '^j-
remained — the First Kadin, Bosfor Sultan, and Ibrahim, the Grand
Vizir, who according to some accounts had been the original owner
of Roxelana. Plots and counter-plots were laid : Bosfor Sultan was
displaced and practically exiled, her son was murdered in a manner
that leaves little doubt as to Roxelana's comphcity in the business,
and Suleiman had the Grand Vizir executed for no apparent reason
at all. [Although no actual proof was forthcoming to show that
Roxelana was again instrumental in this latter crime there is no doubt
whatever that he was definitely in her way to absolute power, and
she was still afraid of his great influence over the Sultan.

It had been a triumph when she was allowed to move into the
Seragho with her train of slave girls and eunuchs ; it was a much
greater one when she became Suleiman's legal wife. Not since the
time of Bayezid I {13 89-1403) had any Sultan contracted a legal
marriage, and this strange act of Suleiman was regarded with
amazement and concern. In the reign of Selim II (so Bon tells us)
so enormous was the sum set aside for the Sultan's wife, being suffi-
cient to build mosques and hospitals, that marriage was not attractive.
For the same reason the number of the kadins was limited to four.
From his whole harem, which might consist of anything from 300
to 1200 women, the Sultan would have his favourites, termed ikbals,
who would occasionally be honoured by sharing his bed.

In the event of the birth of a male child and the continued and
growing affection of the Sultan a lucky ikbal might be raised to the
coveted rank of a kadin. Although they were not actually married

175

THE HAREM

the rank of the kadins was equivalent to that of a legal wife, and their
apartments, slaves, eunuchs, property, dresses, jewellery, and salary
were all proportional to the honour and importance of their new
position. According to the order of her election, so would the
kadin be henceforth known. Thus she might be the Second Kadin
or Third Kadin, and naturally she would do all in her power to dis-
lodge the one immediately above her — by fair means or foul. In the
case of Roxelana, however, the impossible had been achieved, for
Suleiman, so far from having other kadins after the fall of Bosfor
Sultan, actually married off several of his most beautiful WQmeDLtO
cement his affection and fidehty to Roxelana.

Melling's drawing of the harem (see plate opposite p. 152) requires a
Httle explanation. As previously mentioned, he had been appointed
architect to the favourite sister of Sehm III, and in such a capacity
had many conversations with the Sultana and her women that were
of great assistance to him in his work.

Although his drawing of the harem is entirely fanciful, Melling has
not only taken great trouble to introduce into his picture some of the
chief members of the harem, but has represented on one story or
another all the various daily occupations and customs of the women.
In the front centre is one of the more important black eunuchs speak-
ing to the Mistress of the harem. In the right-hand front corner are
three women keeping themselves warm with their feet under a tandir
or pan containing hghted charcoal, which fits under a square tin-
topped table covered with tapestry or rugs. Immediately round the
comer two Lesbians will be noticed, while in the middle centre is a
slave, recognized by her simpler dress. In the left-hand corner a
woman of high position is partaking of a meal, while in the main haU
seven others are seated round a tray o£pilaf. On the furst floor is the
mosque, and here care has been taken to show all the different atti-
tudes of prayer. Immediately above, on the second floor, are some
of the bedrooms, and the mattresses are just being put out for the
night. During the day they are kept in wall cupboards like that shown
on the first floor to the right. Although a slave is represented in the
drawing as carrying a water-jug we see no sign of any wall foun-
tain. It seems curious that this has not been introduced, as at least
one such fountain was always to be found actually in the bedrooms ;

176

THE HAREM— II

Still more would there be one in an enormous hall such as is here
represented.

But we must return to the harem personnel. If we look upon the
Sultan Vahde as ruler of the harem the Chief Black Eunuch, or Kislar
Agha, must be regarded as her Prime Minister. His duties have
already been described in an earher chapter, but I may repeat here
that he was in direct charge of the girls, and could be largely respon-
sible for their being noticed by the Sultan ; and he had a very large
number of eunuchs to assist him in his duties. He was the liaison
officer between the Sultan Valide and the girls, and between the
Sultan and the outside world. He was, in fact, one of the highest
* men ' in the kingdom, and his interests and influence extended far
beyond the walls of the Seragho. With the general running of the
harem he was not directly concerned. That was relegated to the female
Cabinet, or Privy Council, as it might be called.

This was led by a Lady Controller, Lady Stewardess, or Lady
Administrator (Ketkhuda or fCwy^), who was usually regarded as
deputy head of the harem, temporarily acting as a kind of head house-
keeper and manageress. Nearly equal to her, and according to some
authorities also a deputy head, was the Treasurer (Hazinedar Usta),
who was responsible not only for the handling of the running expenses
of the harem, which were very high and comphcated, but for the
paying out of the 'pin money' {pa§maklik, literally ' sHpper money')
to all those entitled to receive it, and for the arrangement of pensions
paid to those who left the Seragho for the Eski Serai, or Old
Seraglio.

Other members of the Cabinet were the Mistress of the Robes,
the Keeper of the Baths, the Keeper of the Jewels, the Reader of the
Koran, the Keeper of the Storerooms, and the Manageress of the
Table Service, and so on.

All these positions of trust and responsibihty would be occupied
by women who had gradually advanced in every part of the harem
training, but who had been passed by as far as the chance to become
a kadin was concerned. This, then, was the compensation for being
'passed over.' Love — at any rate male love — had been denied them,
and now all they could hope for was some high position in the harem,
which at least would bring them wealth and power to a certain degree.

^"lii ~ 177

THE HARiM

An indulgent Sultan might even marry them off instead of sending
them to end their days in the Eski Serai.

So far I have mentioned only the Sultan Valide, her CabiQet, the
Chief Black Eunuch, and the four kadins. It is now necessary to
consider the ordinary member of the harem, what her duties were,
how she was trained, and what chances she had of promotion.

Each of the most important women had her own Httle Court {odd),
with attendants varying in number according to her rank. At the
same time each had a number of pupils studying to make themselves
perfect in the particular line allotted to their mistress. Thus, on enter-
ing the harem at a tender age the girl would in all probabiHty be im-
mediately attached to one of the odas as a novice. In fact, should the
Sultan Vahde or one of the lesser officials be requiring a new slave
or pupil they were at perfect Hberty to buy one and train her person-
ally. The new girl, selected from a large number, would be placed
under the care of, say, the Mistress of the Robes. There she would
serve her apprenticeship, looking upon her tutoress as a mother
from whom she would receive all her clothes, money, food, and
jewels. The tutoress is to a large extent responsible for her through-
out her career, and does aU she can to better her condition in what-
ever way possible. Having made good progress in her own depart-
ment, the girl may have the chance of entering another oda which
suits her better. Perhaps she has developed a flair for coffee-making
or keeping accounts. In which case a few carefully placed bribes
may get her the necessary transfer. Perhaps, however, her promotion
has been slow and years have passed before she arrives at the head
of her particular oda. In that case she will probably remain where
she is, knowing that her chances of ever being a kadin are past, and
preferring now to enjoy the privileges of her position.

But, on the other hand, let us take the case of the girl who has
started with the Mistress of the Robes, got transferred to the Chief
Coffee-maker, and by a lucky chance is present on the occasion of a
visit of the Sultan to the Sultan Vahde.

It is quite sufficient for the Sultan to glance at her approvingly or
make some trivial remark about her. Any such sign of Imperial
favour is at once noticed, and the epithet guzdeh, or * in the eye,' is
at once given her. This is her first real step towards the envied posi-

178

THE HAREM— II

tion of a kadin. From this time the girl is ' marked.' She is separated
from the rest and is given an apartment and slaves to herself. Mean-
while developments are awaited, and a message to appear before the
Sultan may be expected any time. Should this occur great prepara-
tions are made before she can enter the room of her Lord. One by
one the heads of the different departments are called in to assist.
The Keeper of the Baths takes her off first, and superintends her
toilet with massage, shampooing, perfuming, and hairdressing. The
shaving of the body, dyeing of the nails, and other such details follow.
She now proceeds to the Keeper of the Lingerie, the Mistress of the
Robes, the Head of the Treasury ; and so, at last she is ready for
her Royal lover. And now her chance has come. Every artifice of
which the feminine mind is capable is put into play. How can she
tell if a male child will be born of the union ! But first she must cap-
tivate the Sultan's heart, and perhaps several nights will be hers, and
anything might happen then.

It has been repeatedly affirmed that when kadins or other favoured
concubines enter the Sultan's bedroom, which is not allowed until
his Majesty has already retired, they approach the foot of the bed,
lift up the coverlet, and raise it to their forehead and Hps. They then
creep in humbly at the foot of the bed, and gradually work their
way upward imtil they are level with the Sultan.

By some this latter custom has been discredited, and when Lady
Mary Wortley Montagu mentioned the subject to the Chief Kadin
of Mustafa II she was informed that both the choice of a girl by
throwing the handkerchief and her creeping in at the bed's foot had
no foundation whatever in actual fact.

But I am in no way convinced by this one statement, especially as
it only refers to the eighteenth century, and then very possibly merely
to the whim of a solitary Sultan. Subsequent writers have simply
copied her without question, excepting scholars like d'Ohsson, who
did much original research. Now this 'creeping up the bed' was
obligatory in Constantinople on a man who had been married to one
of the Sultanas. In these marriages the unfortunate husband is entirely
ruled by his royal wife, and waits outside until he is summoned. He
then timidly enters, kisses the coverlet, and creeps towards his wife
by the same ' sliding scale.' The very fact that the custom was thus

179

THE HAREM

carried on outside the Seraglio, in the houses of men who before
being thus honoured by the Sultan may have occupied very humble
walks in life, would considerably add to the opportunities by which
such a curious custom would get known and talked about. Further-
more, the ' creeping up the bed ' was not confmed to Turkish Courts,
but was also a well-estabhshed custom farther east — in China, for
example.

In the authoritative article by Carter Stent ^ we are given the
following account of the bedroom ritual, which is similar to that
observed in the Seragho in several particulars. When the Emperor
wishes for the presence of any particular concubine in his bedchamber
he gives a label or tally, on which he has written the name of the
lady, to the eunuch-in-waiting, who takes it to the lady in question,
and she is borne in a chair by eunuchs to the Emperor's sleeping
apartment, which is named Yang-hsin-tien. On retiring to rest the
lady does not dare get into the Emperor's bed in the usual manner
— that is, from the head, or, rather, side — but it is etiquette to crawl
in from the foot till she comes in line with her Imperial bedfellow.
Two eunuchs keep watch outside the door, and before break of day
they arouse the concubine, and she is borne back again to her own
apartment. The circumstance of the concubine's having slept with
the Emperor is then recorded in a book, with the name of the lady
and the date of the visit. The entry is signed by the Emperor, and
the book is referred to to substantiate the legitimacy of the child, in
the event of the concubine's giving birth to one.

As to the other custom — that of selecting a concubine by giving or
throwing a handkerchief — there is also considerable evidence that,
at one time at any rate, it was no * traveller's tale.'

In the first place it should be remembered that in Turkey the
mendil, yaglik, or handkerchief, holds a position of honour that is
probably unique. It is used not only by the Sultan, but by every-
body, as a covering for any present conveyed from one person to
another. Naturally, in later reigns the introduction of envelopes and
cardboard boxes did much to end the custom, but formerly any
important letter, sum of money, present of jewellery, or even the
gift of fruits, sweetmeats, or clothing, was wrapped up in an em-
* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society {North China Branch) (1877), pp. 174-175.

180

THE HAREM— II

broidered kerchief. The richer the wrapper the greater the com-
phment. It is therefore very possible, if not probable, that the
compliment of selecting a favoured girl would be paid by the use
of a kerchief.

Furthermore, as we shall shortly see, the reliable Bon definitely
tells us that the King throws his handkerchief to the chosen one just
before he leaves.^ In certain situations speech is both superfluous and
unbecoming, and so in a Court teeming with etiquette and ceremonial
we can well imagine such a custom to have existed. In much the
same way the dignified ' throwing the glove ' in Western Courts was
also a challenge to combat — but of a more serious nature !

Every precaution is taken to make the visit of the concubine as
private as possible, and none of the other women may even be aware
of the choice, and never will know unless she is made a kadin and
given a suite of servants of her own. The eunuch on guard outside
the Royal bedroom is told of the intended visit, and the portress
inside makes the necessary preparations. Care is taken that all doors
and windows between the rooms of the girl and those of the Sultan
are closed. No one is allowed to appear, and complete silence is
maintained everywhere. Although the Sultan almost always receives
the girl in his suite within the harem he sometimes honours her by
going to her rooms, in which case he is conducted there by one of
the black eunuchs, and is received by the lady and her slaves with
the most profound respect and obeisance. In the morning he or she
returns to their own rooms as silently and secretly as they came.

Speaking of all these matters at the beginning of the seventeenth
century, Bon writes as follows :

... if he should require one of them for his pleasure or to watch
them at play or hear their music, he makes known his desire to the
Head Kadin, who immediately sends for the girls who seem to her to
be the most beautiful in every respect and arranges them in a line from
one end of the room to the other. She then brings in the King, who
passes before them once or twice, and according to his pleasure fixes
his eyes on the one who attracts him most, and as he leaves throws
one of his handkerchiefs into her hand, expressing the desire to sleep
the night with her. She, having this good fortune, makes up as well

* In the eighteenth century too we find Flachat describing this same method of selecting
a girl in vogue at the tvMjp fetes of Mahmud I. See later, p. 259.

181

THE HAREM

as she can and, coached and perfumed by the Kadin, sleeps the night
with the King in the Royal chamber in the women's apartments,
which is always kept ready for such an event. And while they are
sleeping the night the Kadin arranges for some old Moorish women,
who take it in turn to stay in the room for two or three hours at a
time. There are always two torches burning there, one at the door of
the room, where one of the old women is, and the other at the foot
of the bed ; and they change without making a sound, so that the King
is not disturbed in any way. On rising in the morning the King
changes all his clothes, leaving the girl those he was wearing with aU
the money that was in the purses : then, going to his other rooms, he
sends her a present of clothes, jewels, and money in accordance with
the satisfaction and pleasure received. The same procedure holds good
for all the others who take his fancy, lasting longer with one than with
another according to the pleasure and affection he feels for her. And
she who becomes pregnant is at once called Cassachi Sultan — that is to
say. Queen Sultana — and if she bears a son its arrival is heralded with
the greatest festivities.

This Queen has her own apartment of magnificent rooms, complete
domestic arrangements are immediately made for her, and the King
allows her a sufficient income to enable her to give away and spend
lavishly on anything she may require, and the whole of the Seragho
recognizes her position, extending to her much honour and respect.
The other women, even if they have children, are not called Queen,
but only Sultana, for having had carnal intercourse with the King;
the only one made Queen is she who is the mother of the heir to the
throne. These Sultanas, who have lent themselves for the gratification
of the King's pleasure, have the further prerogative of being immedi-
ately raised above the common level, having rooms and service assigned
to them, and receive an honorarium of so many aspri a day for their
needs, nor do they want for every kind of most lovely garments,
making a very sumptuous comparison with the rest.

All these Sultanas intrigue among themselves with much famiUarity,
and exhibit just as much cunning to avoid indifference on the part of
the King, for, being slaves and hving in great fear of jealousy for love
of his Majesty, each tries to honour him so as to be more favoured and
loved than the others. . . . The other women, who have not the luck
to be favourites of the King, Hve an empty Ufe, passing their youth in
evil thoughts among themselves, and when old serve as teachers or
governesses of the young who arrive every day at the Seragho. In
such bad circumstances they account it a lucky thing for them to fmd
themselves in a position to be sent to the Old Seragho, because they
might get married from there according to the kindness of the Mistress,

182

1^ m

THE HAREM— II

and to the amount of savings and balance of the allowance and presents
received, which may be considerable, because in the SeragHo they are
always favoured in many ways by the Sultana in addition to the
allowance from the King's treasury.^

Here Bon is only referring to the older and experienced women
who have never attracted the Sultan in their youth, but how about
the girl who has been sent to the Sultan at the discretion of the
Mistress and then is not wanted after all? The unfortunate girl has
been bathed, perfumed, and decked up like a lamb for slaughter,
only to discover that the Sultan has changed his mind, forgotten
about her, or never really intended to show any interest in her at all.
Immediately she is shorn of her finery, her newly elected slaves are
dismissed, and she finds herself once again in her former position.

Besides the ustas^ or mistresses, the pupils, assistants, and kadinSy
there was an enormous number of women who did the menial work
and were nothing more than general servants. The really heavy
work, such as cleaning the floors, passages, and walls, was left to the
negresses, while the lighter duties included the cleaning and care of
the pipes, the repairing and preserving of the sofa cushions, the
polishing and preparing of the braziers, the care of the prayer rugs
of the mosque, the assisting in the preparation of sherbets, pilaf, etc.
In some cases a special talent might show itself and be the m.eans of a
girFs obtaining a better and more sympathetic employment. Every-
body learned to cook, and if the opportunity ever presented itself
each prided herself on being able to produce some sugared delicacy
or succulent stew to tickle the Royal palate.

As we have seen in a previous chapter, the selamlik contained a large
saloon, the Hunkar Sofasi (No. 77 in the plan), where the Sultan some-
times received members of the harem for his pleasure or to witoess
some entertainment. On such occasions the entire harem might be ad-
mitted, and music, dances, and mimic exhibitions would entertain the
assembled throng. The massed beauty of these women, their dresses
of silk and satin enhanced with jewellery of every description, the
richness of the furniture, the brilliancy of the illumination, the silent
lines of black eunuchs, and finally the Sultan himself, seated on the
throne in scarlet robes edged with sable, a dagger at his waist studded

' P. 71.
183

THE HAREM

with diamonds, a white egret in his turban held in place by a cluster
of diamonds and rubies, his bejewelled water-pipe at his side, the
room heavy with the mingled perfumes of the women, the incense
of the braziers, and the amber-scented coffee — all this must have
been a sight to see indeed, and one which rivalled the wildest ex-
aggerations to be found in the pages of the Thousand Nights and a
Night, when the glory of Harun al-Rashid was at its height.

As a rehef from the eternal jealousies and bickerings that never
ceased, entertainment of this nature must have been most welcome.
A troupe of dancers and pantomimists was selected and trained,
as well as a band or orchestra. Occasionally, by way of variety,
public dancers firom outside the harem were introduced, and the
enthusiasm with which they were received was unbounded. Accord-
ing to several writers the nature of the dances was far from modest,
and we can imagine that the danse du ventre and other ' suggestive *
movements played a large part in the entertainment. So also shadow
shows, full of obscenities, resembling those that Montmartre keeps
for inexperienced tourists, were very popular. During the reign of
Selim III a French dancing-master and a number of musicians actually
had permission to enter some outer building of the harem ; and there,
in the presence of several eunuchs, they gave lessons to the girls who
had been selected to act in their next * show.' Such girls were usually
those who had not yet embraced the Muhammadan rehgion, as the
law frowned on exhibitions of this nature.

Except for such diversions as these and occasional trips up the
Bosphorus, life in the harem must have been dull indeed.

In the foregoing pages I have attempted to show how a girl could
* better herself,' and how there always was a possible chance of her
being seen by the Sultan or even getting married outside the Seraglio
altogether.

Ex-kadins of late Sultans sometimes married from the Eski Serai
and fmally severed all connexion with the Seragho. No better
example of the freedom of a " retired " kadin could be given than that
of La Sultana Sporca. She had received this uncomplimentary nick-
name, " the Filthy Sultana," owing to her ill mode of Ufe, which was
nothing more nor less than that of a procuress and bawd. Originally
one of Ibrahim's kadins, she was sent to the Eski Serai and married a

184

THE HAREM— II

Pasha. When this man died she was at hberty to Hve where she
Hked. Being an expert in the arts of vice and debauchery through
long practice in Ibrahim's harem, she felt it a pity that all her know-
ledge was being wasted, and so to relieve the boredom of old age she
became the most sought after and exclusive procuress in Constantin-
ople. Her particular line was to buy young girls, give them a very com-
plete training in singing, dancing, and general coquetry, and then hire
them out to rich Pashas and young bloods of the town. The story
of how she refused one of the girls to the Sultan (Muhammad IV)
and subsequently caused a Bosnian captain to be executed for having
made her his mistress when the Sultan wanted her himself has been
told by Rycaut,' with a less satisfactory version in the diary of
Dr John Covel.^

It must not be supposed, however, that all the women in the
harem were content to live an uneventful Hfe without trying for some-
thing better — and sometimes getting it.

The Bosphorus can tell many tales of what happened to women
who tried — and failed. But there were also the few who tried and
succeeded. Curious as it may seem, the harem had an attraction for
some women. To them it was not only the place of mystery, silence,
boredom, and incarceration ; it was also the place of intrigue, oppor-
tunity, luxury, and riches. In fact, in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries Italian and Sicihan women were willingly sold into the
harem with the sole purpose of intrigue.

The full story of those countless harem intrigues will never be told,
nor will the number of women drowned in sacks be known. From
all accounts it appears that the stories of this nature, which once
shocked the entire civilized world, were in no way exaggerated. The
drowning of one or two women would attract no notice at all, and
everything would be carried out with silence and dispatch. The
Kislar Agha takes them to the Bostanji-bashi, under whose direction
the hapless females are placed in sacks weighted with stones. The
bostanji, to whom the duty of drowning them is committed, board a
small rowing-boat to which is attached by a rope a smaller one in
which the women are placed. They then row towards the open

' History of the Turkish Empire, 1623-1677 (London, 1687), pp. 259-260.

* Under July 17, 1676, for which see Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, pp. 160-162.

185

THE HAREM

water opposite Seraglio Point, and by several dexterous jerks of the
rope cause the boat to capsize. A eunuch accompanies the hostanji
and reports to the Kislar Agha the fulfdment of his orders.

At times, however, a mass drowning would take place on the dis-
covery of some plot to depose the Sultan or similar grave offence.
As many as 300 women have been drowned on such an occasion.
The most terrible case was during the reign of Ibrahim, who after
one of his debauches suddenly decided to drown his complete harem
just for the fun of getting a new one later on. Accordingly several
hundred women were seized, tied up in sacks, and thrown into the
Bosphorus. Only one escaped. She was picked up by a passing
vessel and ultimately reached Paris.

A strange tale is told of a diver who was sent down after a wreck
off SeragHo Point. Almost immediately he signalled to be drawn up
again, and explained in a voice quaking with terror that at the bottom
of the sea was a great number of bowing sacks, each containing the
dead body of a woman standing upright on the weighted end and
swaying slowly to and fro with the current.

But there is the other side of the story to be told as well. We have
seen how Roxclana was the first woman to move into the SeragHo
with her train of servants and eunuchs, and how gradually she obtained
complete ascendancy over the Sultan and ruled supreme in the harem
until her death in 1558. This was the beginning of the Reign of
Women [Kadinlar Sultanati), which, lasted about a hundred and fifty
years, till the death of the Sultan VaHde Tarkhan, mother of Muham-
mad IV. During this long period it was the harem that ruled the king-
dom, a continual battle being ceaselessly waged between the Sultan
Valide, the Chief Kadin, and sometimes the Kislar Agha. The whole_
harem became a hotbed of intrigue, bribery, extortion^ plots, and
counter-plots. While the Sultans were indulging in orgies of drink
or vice, according to their tastes, it was the women who crept to
the secret grilled window of the Divan, listened to State secrets, and
played their cards accordingly.

Following Suleiman, Selim II kept his entire harem in the SeragHo,
and as his drunkenness increased so did the power of the Chief
Kadin, Nur Banu Sultan. When her son became Murad III she
assumed the title of Sultan VaHde, and as such her power increased

186

o s

U ^

Q
Z
<

THE HAREM— II

even more than before. Meanwhile intrigue was ripe in the hareniy
and the fight for the envied position of First Kadin had begun. It
was won by a beautiful Venetian woman of the noble house of Baffo.
She had been captured by a Turkish corsair in her early youth, and
by her beauty and cleverness soon won the heart of Murad to the
exclusion of all other women. But his mother, the Sultan Vahde
Nur Banu, got alarmed and gave orders for the cream of the slave
markets to be sent to the SeragUo. So successful was she that, so far
from keeping true to his one love, Murad plunged into a continuous
orgy of licentious indulgence. The price of women went up, and
slave-dealers and even powerful members of the harem joined in the
procuring of fresh virgins to quench the Royal flame of sensuahty. -
So for a time the power of the Venetian — ^known as Safieh, Safiye, or
Baffa, after the name of her family — was ecHpsed. But this was only
so far as Murad's couch was concerned. Safieh had b igger fish to _
fry, and was already in secret correspondence with Catherine de*
Medici to prevent T'urkey^irom attacking Venice. She it was who
directed the movements of the Ottoman fleets and armies, while -
Murad was still wallowing in the delights of the harem. She also
corresponded with the Venetian Ambassador by means of a Jewess
named Chiarezza, who used to sell jewels and other similar articles ."^
to the SeragUo. Apart from th e determination to keep Turkey from ^
having a war withVenice sEenad^but one desire, ^o the tiilfilment of
which everything would be sacrificed, and that was to place her son
on the throne, and thereby herself become the Sultan VaUde. When
in 1595 the time came she never hesitated for a moment, and was
instrumental in the appaUing murder of Muhammad Ill's nineteen "
brothers. Thus her object was achieved, and for a time she continued
to govern the country. She even sank so low as to corrupt her own -
son and encourage his habits of debauch in order to leave her a freer _
hand in State aflairs, and although he was persuaded against his will
to lead the janissaries against the Hungarians and Austrians in 1596
he immediately returned to the seclusion of the harem, leaving the
government in the hands of Safieh. But her turn came later, and
one day she was found strangled in her bed.

The Reign of Women continued, and Ahmed I was entirely under
their influence. His successor, Mustafa I, was a lunatic, while when

187

THE HAREM

Osman II began to show interest in State affairs he incurred the dis-^
favour of the janissaries and was immediately killed. All this time
the country was virtually ruled by another woman — Kiusem (Kiosem
or Kjeuzel) Sultan, the mother of Murad IV and Ibrahim. Murad,
who came to the throne in 1623,,. actually threw off the influence of
the harem, at an^Trate temporarily, and was the last Sultan to lead "
his army in the field. His intemperate habits, however, proved fatal,
and after an attack of fever, provoked by drink and terror at seeing
air eclipse of the sun, he died at the early age of twenty-eight. One
of his last acts was to order the execution of his brother Ibrahim,
thus making the Ottoman race extinct, and giving the throne to his
favourite, the Silihdar Pasha.

But once again the harem triumphed, and Kiusem falsely reported
Ibrahim's death. At the news Murad grinned a ghastly smile, and
tried to rise from his bed to gloat over his brother's dead body.
His attendants, knowing that their lives were at stake in the event of
the discovery of the truth, held back the dying man in his bed. The
end came almost at once, and Kiusem, seeing a further period of
government in store for her, rushed off to the Kafes to tell Ibrahim
the good news.

As we shall see in the next chapter, he was too terrified to open the
door, thinking the incessant knocking to be merely the arrival of the
mutes with the bowstring whose coming he had daily feared for the
last eight years.

And so, free at last, Ibrahim mounted the throne, and soon proved
himself the most depraved, selfish, cruel, rapacious, and cowardly
man that even the Ottoman Empire had produced. His Grand
Vizir, Kara-Mustafa, sought to check his excesses, but he fell out
with a member of the harem, and his execution soon followed. His
successor decided to give the Sultan's debauchery and folhes full rein,
and so gross were some of his orgies that even the harem murmured
in indignation. All the best offices of State were sold to the highest
bidder or given to worthless favourites, taxes were increased, and
every resource possible was drained to supply the demands of his
excesses.

Harem scandal caused a report that he was impotent, used up by
his unwearied debauches, but the birth of a son in 1642 and two more

188

THE HAREM— II

the following year soon put an end to that rumour. At the same time
his vicious hfe in the harem continued, and historians tell us curious
tales of the happenings in the Seraglio. One of his chief passions was
a morbid craving for perfumes, especially for ambergris, with the
exotic heavy scent of which he drenched his beard, clothes, and room
hangings. Another craving he had was for furs. One night he had
listened to a tale in the harem about a king who was dressed in sable
skins and whose sofas, couches, walls, and floors were covered with
the same skins. Ibrahim thought he would also like to be a ' sable
king,' and in the morning he summoned the Divan and ordered a
general collection of sables to be made all over the Empire. Both an
ambergris and a fur tax were imposed, and indignation grew at
these stupid and useless extravagances. Demetrius Cantemir^ gives a
terrible description of Ibrahim's life in the harem : how when nature
was exhausted he fortified himself with aphrodisiacs and covered his
room with mirrors to stimulate the passions. Every Friday a fresh
virgin was presented to him (usually by his mother!), and anyone
who suggested some new form of orgy was certain of a personal
triumph. One of his Httle games was to strip all his women naked
and make them pretend to be mares, while in a similar condition
he would run among them acting the part of stalhon as long as his
strength lasted.

The extravagances of the women were nearly as bad as his own,
and he allowed them to take anything they liked from the shops and
bazaars without payment. One of these women happened to say she
preferred to shop at night, and so the shopkeepers were made to stay
open and provide sufficient torchlight for their wares to be clearly
seen. Another woman told Ibrahim that he would look nice with
jewels in his beard! No sooner said than done, and he actually
appeared like this in public ! The superstitious Turks regarded it as
a very bad omen, because the only other King who had acted in this
way was Pharaoh of the Red Sea incident.

Many are the stories told of Ibrahim's depravity, lust, and cruelty,
but the tale of the Kislar Agha and his slave girl as related by Rycaut
is worthy of repetition, if only to show how an incident in the harem
led to a war which lasted over twenty years.

» History of the Ottoman Empire (London, 1734), p. 254.
189

THE HAREM

It appears that the Chief Eunuch, the Kislar Agha, chanced to cast
his eyes upon a fair slave put up for sale by a Persian merchant. So
enamoured of her did he become that he decided to buy her for
himself and add her to his harem, which, useless though it was, pride
and tradition made him support. Although he bought her as a virgin
she soon proved to be with child, and the justly indignant eunuch
was greatly offended and confmed her to the house of his steward.
However, when the child was bom curiosity got the better of in-
dignation and the eunuch went to see the babe, and was so dehghted
with it that he resolved to adopt it at once. Now it was about this
time that Ibrahim's first son, Muhammad, was bom, and, the child
being in want of a nurse, the slave girl of the Kislar Agha was chosen,
who accordingly entered upon her duties in company with her
own son.

Ibrahim at once preferred the slave's son to his own, who was pale
and anaemic, and passed hours playing with him in the gardens of the
Seraglio. This roused the jealousy of Muhammad's mother, who
developed a hatred for the girl, her son, and the Kislar Agha. One
day she attacked Ibrahim about the matter, who in his rage snatched
Muhammad from his mother's arms and flung him into a near-by
cistern. He was saved from drowning, but bore a scar on his fore-
head for the rest of his life.

But by this time things had got too hot for the Kislar Agha, and
he suddenly decided that a trip to Mecca might be followed by a
retirement to Egypt. Matters were arranged at once, and three ships
were filled with the Chief Eunuch's harem, treasures, and goods
of every description. Contrary winds compelled them to put into
Rhodes, and hardly had they continued on their course when six
Maltese galleys approached and opened fire. After a long and bloody
fight the Turkish vessels were overpowered, and the Kislar Agha died
fighting like a man. So enormous was the booty that the voyage was
regarded as no ordinary trip, and the young boy found on board was
at once taken to be the Sultan's son on his way to Alexandria to be
educated. The presence of the Kislar Agha had confirmed this belief,
and the Grand Master of the Knights of St John treated the boy with
the honours due to a future sovereign, and all Europe believed the
story. The child was educated, and after being dragged about in

190

2 _

O "^

THE HAREM— II

various countries ended by becoming a monk, and was known as
Father Ottoman.

But when the news reached Ibrahim he became mad with rage,
executed his Captain Pasha, and swore to be revenged not only on
the Maltese, but on the Venetians who had harboured them in Crete.
Although war was openly declared against Malta the secret objective
was Candia, or Crete. A formidable fleet set sail in 1645 with the
declared object of attacking Malta, which had been busy strengthen-
ing its fortifications and making ready for a long siege. But the
Turkish fleet changed its direction and sailed to Canea, the western
extremity of Crete, which it reached late in June. Canea and then
Retimo fell into its hands, and in 1648 the siege of the capital began,
and lasted for twenty years !

Meanwhile at home the harem still ruled the country, but Ibrahim ^-^
had gone too far, and his deposition was sought to save the country
from ruin. The Sultan Valide, Kiusem, was diplomatically sounded
as to her views, and, still smarting from the gross indignities she had
suffered at her son's hands, she agreed to receive a deputation from
the army and the people. After useless remonstrances she yielded to
their demands, Ibrahim was deposed and sent back to the Kafes, and
Iffie^young Muhammad placed on the throne in his stead. And now
Kiusem had another, and younger. Sultan VaHde to reckon with,
Tarkhan or Turkhan by name, who proved to be more than a match
for her elder rival. As the imprisoned Ibrahim still tried to get back
his lost throne and the Spahis demanded his death the mufti yielded,
and amid the blasphemies and curses of the wretched man the bow-
string ended his miserable Hfe.

r;7 Now more than before did Kiusem see her power sUpping away,
but she decided to make one last effort by plotting with the Agha
of the janissaries, whom she had won over to her side, to depose
Muhammad IV and put Suleiman, his younger brother, on the throne
in his stead. At first everything went well. The Agha collected
troops, and the Grand Vizir, being surprised at night, was obhged
to attend^th^jneeting. Feigning to agree with their plans, he asked
leave to go to the SeragHo to call the Divan, but once he was safely
inside the doors were locked, and the rest of the night was spent
in arming all available troops and barricading the Palace. Tarkhan

191

THE HAREM

Sultan was awakened, and an oath of allegiance was taken to serve
and defend the young Muhammad, who was still but a child. The
mufti declared by 2,fetva that Kiusem must die, and a decree was drawn
up by the Vizir and signed by the trembling hand of the young Sultan.
It was now the hour of Tarkhan's triumph, and a search was made in
Kiusem's suite without result. At last the wretched old woman was
discovered hidden in a clothes-chest and dragged out to her death.
Every atom of respect was forgotten in the terrible scene that followed.
Her earrings and bracelets were torn off her, the money she scattered
on the ground as a bait was ignored, her rich robes were torn in a
thousand pieces, and, in spite of all the orders her oppressors had
received to respect the body of their Sultan's grandmother, the hapless
woman was stripped of her clothes and dragged by the feet naked to
the gate of the harem known as the Gate of the Aviary (No. 40 in the
plan). There she was strangled, and her partisans were killed later.
^r^ Tarkhan was now in com mand of the situation, but w as w ise enough
to, entriist^ the power of government to Muhammad Kiuprili, the
first of thejthree Grand Vizirs of the name who ruled ^Turkey so
successfully. Withjhe death of Tarkhan the Reign of Wom en was
yirtuafly ^endcd, an d hopes for t he Er n pire began to revive .

192

CHAPTER IX

THE SELAMLIK

As already explained in the introductory chapter, the seldmlik was
that part of the house reserved for the men only, the word actually
meaning 'place of greeting.' In the case of the Seraglio, however, it
was used in its widest sense, as it included the large Throne Room
into which women were often introduced, and also the Hall of Cir-
cumcision. The Corridor of the Bath and the Golden Road linked
it closely with the harem ; in fact, as time went on the barrier between
these two important units of the House of Felicity grew less and less,
and, as already mentioned in the first of the harem chapters, it is no
easy matter to-day to trace where the two divide.

The Vestibule of the Hearth, Ocakli Sofa (No. 70 in the plan), was
built after the terrible fire of 1665 as a connecting link between the
Court of the Sultan Valide and the Hiinkdr Sofasi, or Royal Saloon,
sometimes known as the Throne Room Within. It leads into the
anteroom of the Royal Saloon, the Vestibule of the Fountain {(^epneli
Sofa), which is even more ornate than the Ocakli Sofa. As can be
seen from the plate opposite p. 182, it is a tall room completely tiled
from floor to ceiling. The chimney-piece and the doorway leading
to the vestibule of the suite of Murad III are both surmounted by
deeply carved Cufic reliefs. The shutters to the cupboards on either
side of the fireplace are inlaid with mother-of-pearl, and resemble
designs in the Hall of Ambassadors at the Alhambra, Granada.

Passing on into the huge domed Royal Saloon, one is immediately
struck by the mixture of Oriental and French forms of decoration.
An elaborately carved French dado is surmounted by another one of
Cufic characters, and rococo ornamentation is much in evidence in
the large array of chairs and grandfather clocks. The room was used
for the larger harem entertainments, the women being seated in the
raised portion of the room behind the pillars. The musicians, heavily
blindfolded if engaged from outside the Seraglio, sat in the gallery
above the women.

N 193

THE HAREM

The Royal throne was a simple structure to the right, surmounted
by a canopy upheld by four pillars. Of official ceremonies held here
the only one recorded appears to be the furst meeting of the new
Sultan with his complete harem before the ceremony of " the Girding
of the Sword" at Eyyub, which corresponds to our coronation.'
The modem painted treatment of the pendentives and supporting
arches is of Httle artistic value, and is reminiscent of much similar
work in many of the larger Constantinople mosques. In the far
left-hand comer is the Corridor of the Bath (Hamam Yolu), having
the Royal baths on the left and the bedroom of Abd ul-Hamid I and
a room used by Selim III on the right. Abd ul-Hamid's room is so
overloaded with rococo decoration that not an inch is free from some
type of scroU-work in gilt or marble. The fountain, chimney-piece,
cupboards, and dd's are all replete with the writhing eccentricities of
the worst Louis XV excesses. In fact (except for the chimney-piece,
which is, if possible, even more rococo and of the proscenium type),
it is a relief to pass on to the more sober room of Sehm III, lined on
three sides by low sofas upholstered in silk and satin brocades em-
broidered in pleasing floral designs. A row of windows on the north
and west sides affords a fine view of the gardens beyond.

Through a long passage running by the side of Sehm's room access
is obtained to the waU kiosk of Osman III and the adjoining rooms.

Here again the French influence predominates, as is at once noticed
by the much-overloaded fa9ade, which faces a large paved courtyard
with a rectangular pool in the middle and a trellis vine along the
eastern side.

Basically the kiosk is Italian in design in its use of the orders, but
the Eastern influence is retained in the usual wide-spreading roof
eaves, which, together with its supporting cornice, rise in waves
from each end of the facade to the centre over the doorway. The
doorway itself is framed by a pair of columns supporting an undulat-
ing entablature capped by a mass of writhing sculptural forms; and
on either side of the doorway are two windows, each separated by
pilasters, heavily grilled, and surmounted by a comparatively chaste
Httle string-course, over which in turn are rectangular panels filled

' For an account of this interesting ceremony see F. W. Hasluck, ChristianitY and Islam
under the Sultans (Oxford, 1929), vol. ii, pp. 604-622, " The Girding of the Sultan."

194

' / (^

•Jtm&^miktimmttmii^iJmr

I HE WALL KIOSK OF OSMAN III : A VIEW LOOKING UP FROM THE
SERAGLIO GARDENS

194

THE SELAMLIK

with intricate carving. The wall treatment on either side of the centre
bay is again divided by pilasters, the intervening spaces here being
decorated with the characteristic wall fountains, and also with views
painted in sharp perspective — reminiscent of Pompeian wall frescoes
of the Fourth Style.

The external side of the building as seen from the Seraglio gardens
presents a strong contrast in its severity of design, and the high,
beetling side of the walls, with the projecting kiosk at the top, appears
like a prison or medieval fortification. Decoration has been kept to
a minimum, and the whole effect is fme and pleasing in character.

From the windows of the kiosk itself a magnificent view is obtained
of the Golden Horn and the Bosphorus, and before the erection of
the ugly station buildings the near distance was occupied by gardens
stretching to the water's edge.

Internally the kiosk is divided into three main rooms leading out of
each other, the wall kiosk itself being part of the centre one, which is
twice as large as either of the other two. Each room is most lavishly
decorated, so that barely a square inch of wall or ceiling surface
remains uncovered. The walls are panelled and decorated in various
ways, with carved and painted floral designs of a most fantastic
nature, and with frescoes showing views in perspective of Itahan
landscapes. Some panels are filled with tiles set in most intricate pat-
terns, while others are pierced to form niches to hold pipes, trays, etc.,
and resemble similar niches to be seen in the chamber of Murad III
and the Baghdad Kiosk. The furniture and mirrors are French, of
the Louis XIV and Louis XV periods, heavily carved and gilded,
and upholstered with rich brocades and silks.

The whole effect of these rooms is so rich in its wealth and pro-
fusion of decoration and riot of colour as to appear almost gross and
vulgar. At the same time the kiosk is a remarkable example of later
Turkish art, and of the most lavish rococo style then prevalent in so
many countries in Europe.

The courtyard separates the kiosk of Osman III from the back
windows of the Royal Saloon, to which it is now necessary to return
in order to reach the rooms of Murad III and Ahmed I and Ahmed III.
Room 86 in the plan forms the vestibule or hall to the large
chamber of Murad III. It is entirely covered with tiling, having

195

THE HAREM

many fine floral panels surmounted by several cornices of alternate
Cufic and floral designs. Both the cupboard shutters and the door
are inlaid with mother-of-pearl.

Except for the Royal Saloon, the chamber of Murad III is the
largest in the seldmlik. It has a high dome which can be clearly seen
in one of my photographs of the Courtyard of the Princes (opposite
p. 198). It is a pleasing room, and the tiling is relieved by several
series of wall niches in sets of three, an elaborate wall fountain of
the cascade type, and two canopied thrones or beds on the chimney
side. The chimney-piece itself is very fine, having a pointed canopy
over twenty feet high resembling the top of a minaret, or, to the
Western mind, the point of a giant pencil. A very beautiful, deep
Cufic cornice surrounds the room at a height of some eight feet.

Leading out of this room are two small chambers both full of
charm and interest. The first is the Library (Kutiiphanesi) of Ahmed I,
and the second (the smallest room in the whole Seraglio) the dining-
room {yemek odasi) of Ahmed III.

The general scheme of the library resembles that of the large room
of Murad III, the tiling, however, being chiefly in the upper part,
since all the lower half of the room is devoted to cupboard book-
shelves closed by double panelled doors beautifully inlaid with various
geometrical designs. A charming tiled skirting surrounds the room,
and gives a touch of Ughtoess which one would hardly expect in a
library. The pendentives contain large circular inscriptions, with
two small ones above and one below. The usual ball and tassel is
suspended from the centre of the dome. The books and manuscripts
have been transferred to the New Library, in the Third Court.

The little dining-room of Ahmed III leads out of the library to the
left and is unique in character. It is panelled in wood and gaily
painted with vases of bright flowers and dishes of fruit of various
kinds. An inlaid tray in the centre of the room supports a glass bowl
for preserved fruits and the usual two spoons used in eating. A small
side-door gives access to that part of the Royal Saloon where the
members of the harem sat.

And so in this hurried survey (hurried partly because all these rooms
are open to the pubhc) we have covered practically all the seldmlik.
There yet remains, however, the most interesting, if the grimmest,

196

THE DINING-ROOM OF AHMED III

THE KIOSK OF OSMAN III : ONE OF THE SMALLER ROOMS

196

THE SELAMLIK

part to be seen. IrefertotheiC(j/e5,orCage. It can be reached by means
of the Golden Road and along a corridor known as the Jin Mu§averet
Mahalle, or Consultation Place of the Jinn, or else from the hall of
Murad Ill's room. It is not open to the public, and owing to this fact
and to its morbidly interesting nature I shall deal with it in some detail.

The Kafes has been the scene of more wanton cruelty, misery, and
bloodshed than any palace room in the whole of Europe. To its
institution are due the weakness, vices, and imbecility of so many of
the Sultans and, to a large extent, the gradual decay and fall of the
Ottoman Empire.

The enormous harem of Murad III had produced 103 children for
him, and at his death twenty sons and twenty-seven daughters were
still living. On his recall to the capital the eldest son and heir, the
future Muhammad III, put his nineteen brothers to death and sewed
seven of his father's pregnant concubines into sacks and had them
thrown into the Marmora, just to be on the safe side in case a possible
claimant to the throne was born ! But this was the end of such drastic
measures, for henceforth it was decided not to kill the Princes — at
least, not at first — but to keep them safely locked up in a building in
the Seragho which soon came to be known as the Cage. It was a
two-storied building hidden away in the very heart of the seldmlik
and surrounded by a high and dismal wall. It was not until the time
of Osman III (1754-57) that the wall was lowered and more windows
were unblocked. These unhappy men were kept without knowledge
of the outside world, or even of pubhc affairs of the Empire. Their
education was entirely neglected, except for what they could learn
from their companions, who consisted of deaf mutes and a handful
of sterile women who were allowed to form a harem to amuse the
Princes. Although every care was taken to make these women
barren — either by the removal of the ovaries or simply by the use of
pessaries, made by the Seraglio physicians, of such ingredients as
musk, amber, bezoar, aloes, cardamom, ginger, pepper, cinnamon,
and cloves — yet mistakes did occur, and the child (and sometimes the
mother as well) was immediately drowned.

It is hard even to imagine what such a life must have been like.
The only thing that can be compared with it is the ' solitary confine-
ment' as enforced in certain State prisons of to-day. But such men

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THE HAR£M

at least have lived in the world, their brains and bodies have been
allowed to grow and develop. But some of the Princes, such as
Ibrahim, had been in the Cage from the age of two. Others, such as
Osman III, were immured for fifty years, or thirty-nine years in the
case of Suleiman II. When they came out they had all but lost the
power of speech, and their minds and bodies were hke vegetables.
And yet these men — these few ' lucky ' men, who had escaped the
bowstring of the deaf mutes — were expected to take up the reins of
government at a moment's notice and rule over one of the most
difficult and extensive kingdoms in Europe. No wonder, then, that
excesses occurred. Only a miracle could produce a normal man after
such experiences. By some the particular form of ' revenge ' would
be sought in the over-indulgence of every conceivable kind of vice
that a half-crazed brain could devise; for others a ruthless use of the
scimitar and an endless flow of blood would help to blot out the past.

But there were exceptions, among them Suleiman II, who during
his thirty-nine years' confinement had learned caUigraphy and spent
all his time copying out Korans and praying ; and when fmally he
came to occupy a turbulent and disquiet throne many a time did
he wish himself back in the quiet sohtude of the Cage. Very bloody
were some of the happenings that occurred here. I shall give but
two examples.

Ibrahim grew up in the Kafes, never knowing firom day to day
when the door might slowly open and the mutes enter with the
fatal bowstring ready to do its deadly work. When the day came
that the reigning Sultan, Murad IV, died the Seraglio attendants
hastened to tell Ibrahim the good news and to proclaim him Sultan.
He heard the noise of the approaching crowd just in time to barri-
cade the door with the help of his concubines, and, crazed with
fright, could see nothing but lies and traps in the explanations shouted
through the door. Still he would not beHeve, until the door was
broken down and the dead body of Murad was flung at his feet. For
a moment he stood transfixed with a feeling of mingled joy and fear,
and then, reaUzing the truth, danced round the corpse in hideous
triumph, crying out, " The Butcher of the Empire is dead at last ! "

But Ibrahim had not done with the Kafes yet, for after his ignoble
and vicious reign of nine years the nation rose and flung him back

198

THE KAFES OR CAGE : THE NORTH-WESTERN PORTION OF THE BUILDING

THE CORRIDOR WHERE THE JINN HOLD THEIR CONSULTATIONS,
LEADING TO THE KAFES

198

THE SELAMLIK

into it again. There he waited, hoping daily to be restored to the
throne. Then one day the door opened and the expectant ex-Sultan
and his concubines prepared for the good news. But the Sultan
Valide had abandoned him, and this time it was the bowstring.

In more recent days, when the janissaries mutinied in 1807,
Selim III anticipated their demands by voluntarily exchanging places
in the Cage with his cousin Mustafa. The new Sultan soon proved his
incompetency, and when Bairakdar marched to Selim's aid Mustafa in
his turn ordered SeUm to be kiUed. The murderers entered the Cage,
and after a terrific fight for his hfe SeHm was strangled. When
Bairakdar reached the gate he thundered on it and called aloud for
Sehm. " Here is he ye seek ! " they cried, and threw out the body of
the Sultan. Mustafa was dragged off the throne and put back into
the Cage, and Mahmud II became Sultan.

These and similar happenings give to the Kafes an historical back-
ground that creates for this strange building of the seldmlik an interest
all its own.

It has been described as a two-storied building, without windows
in the lower story, consisting of twelve magnificent apartments all
exacdy similar to one another and all luxuriously furnished. How
true this was once I cannot say, but it certainly is not correct as far
as the building that remains to-day is concerned — except that it is
two stories high. Few architectural changes appear to have been
made here, so it seems probable that the information was purely
guesswork. It is not clear, nevertheless, how the heir to the throne,
with a harem of some two dozen women (Melling gives the number
at forty, but this may be intended to apply to the Kafes as a whole),
as well as several brothers, each with his separate harem, not to men-
tion eunuchs, mutes, buffoons, etc., could get into a building of this
size. For it consists of four rooms only. True, they are fme rooms
with the usual ornate rococo decoration, showing French early
eighteenth-century influence, and so must have undergone consider-
able alterations in the course of their history, yet there is no sign of
structural alterations such as can be clearly seen in other parts of the
Seraglio. It may be then that, whereas the Kafes rooms were used
exclusively by the Princes, the harem and other members of the Cage
had their rooms across the court on the first floor of that part of the

199

THE HAREM

buildings that backs on to the Golden Road. I was lucky in obtaining
three photographs of the Kafes and courtyard, so that the whole
extent of the area can be studied.

In the photograph reproduced opposite p. 198 we see, first, the outer,
or north-western, part of the building. The whole fa9ade is tiled,
windows are heavily barred, and a broad overhanging roof runs right
round the building. To the right is the domed room of Murad III,
and beyond that a ghmpse can just be obtained of the courtyard
of Osman III. A section of the arching below is also visible. It is
probably somewhere in this lower part, now a waste overrun with
wild fig, acacia, and other trees, that the original Kafes wall had its
foundations. The fme pierced balustrade is exactly the same as that
which surmounts the Imperial Gate, and doubtless dates from the same
period (nineteenth century). In the second photograph in the same
plate we get a good view of the other half of the Kafes, and here the
tiling is much clearer. A long oriel window will be noticed, below
which is the entrance from the corridor " w^here the Jinn hold their
consultations," connecting with the Golden Road. In the illustration
opposite can be seen the other side of the courtyard, and exactly how
closely connected with the Kafes the rooms on the mezzanine and
first floor are. It is here that I suggest the ' staff ' of the Kafes would
be housed. In fact, the only other place where such a comparatively
large number of women could live would be in the buildings, long
since gone, on the opposite side of the courtyard, beyond the pierced
balustrade. Only a thorough inspection of the ruins hidden by the
heavy undergrowth would help to reveal the possibilities of such an
alternative suggestion, and this unfortunately I have not had the
opportunity of doing.

So also I cannot say what other buildings once existed between the
Kafes and right away in a northerly direction to the extreme point
of the outer Seraglio walls near the Baghdad Kiosk. It is, however,
in this wide empty area that some of the selamlik buildings described
by such early visitors as Nicolas de Nicolay, Dallam, and Bon, and
even in later years by Flachat (1750), must undoubtedly have been
situated. When inspecting the outer wall surrounding this area I
noticed three doorways filled in with bricks, the centre one, double
the width of the other two, being surmounted by a stone lintel with

200

THE SELAMLIK

mutules, or projecting slabs on the soffit, or under-surface, as in a
Doric cornice.

The only other exit from this part of the seldmlik is through a double-
leafed iron-studded gate leading to the outer gardens by the Goths*
Column. It seems probable that it was through this gate that the
early visitors to the seldmlik made their entrance.

Apart from the Baghdad and Revan Kiosks and the Pavilion of the
Holy Mantle, which are treated elsewhere, there remain only the
reception-room of the seldmlik (the Maheyin Hilmayun) and the Hall
of Circumcision [SUnnet Odasi) to be discussed. Of the former I
can say nothing as to its origin and use, except that it was built by
Selim, and appears to have been connected with the Pavilion of the
Holy Mantle in some way or other. Dr Miller,^ quoting from Ahmed
Rasim, tells us that at a later period the Sultans regularly received the
pages of the Palace School in these rooms (which she calls the Rooms
of His Presence) following the first prayer of the morning, and upon
rare occasions they also received there the members of the Secret
Council, and the Grand Vizir, the mufti, the two judges of the Army,
and the Minister of Foreign Affairs.

We are now approaching the L-shaped pillared hall which flanks
the Pavilion of the Holy Mantle on its two outer sides. The terrace
looking into the gardens is bounded at one end by the Maheyin
Humayun and at the other by the SUnnet Odasi.

There appears to be some doubt as to whether this latter building
was really used for the circumcision of the Princes, but an inspection
of it leaves httle doubt that this was indeed the case, as should be
evident from my description. There are several approaches to the
Hall of Circumcision. Personally I entered it through the small
door near the Revan Kiosk and across the pillared hall where Dallam
erected his organ. It can also be reached via the Golden Road past
the Maheyin Hiimayun, and lastly from the terrace of the Baghdad
Kiosk through a small door at the side of the fish-pond.

The Hall of Circumcision was built by Ibrahim in 1641, and is a

square room with a small carved iron door leading from the pillared

hall. It is beautifully tiled, and at first glance the domed ceiling

appears to be tiled as well, but a closer inspection shows it to be painted

' Beyond the Sublime Porte, p. 242.

201

THE HAREM

to match the walls. The tiling is of various dates, but of especial
interest are four panels with identical designs and colourings on each
side of the door. They measure no less than four feet by one foot
six inches, and earthenware plaques of this size are unknown elsewhere.

In the lower part of these panels is a design of two deer which, so
the Director affirms, is unique. Between the windows on the two
outer sides are deep recesses fitted with a kind of leaden sink and
running water used in connexion with the function of the room.
The white and gold carved work at the sides should especially
be noticed. A heavily embossed brazier occupies the centre of the
room.

Immediately next the Hall of Circumcision is a small outhouse,
now used as a lumber-room. It appears to be of fairly recent con-
struction, and I could fmd out nothing about it. The terrace, now
enclosed by a glass partition, was clearly once open to the pillared
hall, which was doubtless protected by awnings such as are described
by Dallam (see p. 33).

And here the seldmlik merges into the buildings of the Pavihon
of the Holy Mantle, which forms part of the chapter on the Third
Court.

202

CHAPTER X

THE BATHS

I. The Baths of the Seraglio

1 o so great an extent does the bath enter into the life of every
Turk, both male and female, from the highest to the lowest, that
the subject cannot be dismissed with the curt information that the
SeragHo had many baths once, but that to-day hardly any remain.

The subject merits a chapter to itself. In order to appreciate what
the large baths used by the pages and harem girls were like we must
go to the public baths in the city for descriptions of eyewitnesses.
Doubtless in some cases the Seraglio baths were more elaborate and
luxurious, but as far as one can judge the differences were trifling.

With regard to the personal baths in the Seraglio we are more
lucky, and two adjacent baths, known as those of the Sultan and
Sultana, remain intact save for the elaborate hangings, sofas, cushions,
and suchlike that the disrobing rooms once contained.

I shall describe them in detail shortly ; but apart from these none
of the baths remain in any good state of repair. Some have been
converted into rooms for other purposes, and can only be recognized
by the perforated domes or general shape of the building.

The number of baths in the SeragHo was always considerable,
owing to the fact that, apart from the Sultan and the Sultan Valide,
each kadin had her own suite which included a bath ; and each separate
division of both the seldmlik and the Court of the Divan had one also.
Naturally the number of baths varied considerably, but on an average
it must have totalled some thirty or more. All baths were heated by
water introduced under the floor on the Pompeian system, or else
merely distributed to the various wall fountains on different sides
of the room. The boilers were usually of copper, like those which
could once be seen at the Alhambra, in Granada. As far as can be
ascertained, the boiler-rooms were on a level with the baths, but
where space was a consideration it seems probable that they were

203

THE HAREM

underneath in the basement, where there was plenty of room, not
only for the boilers, but also for the storing of the immense quantities
of wood which were used for the fires.

In some cases so great is the state of ruin that a few broken pieces
of marble and the cock of a fountain are all that remains among the
debris to show where a bath once existed.

But let us take the whole Seragho court by court and see exactly
what survives to-day. When we have done that we can turn to some
of the few early accounts that have come down to us, which will
help to give hfe to the cold marble and clothe the dressing-room
once again with the rich hangings and luxurious sofas which once
adorned it in such grand profusion.

In the First Court was the bath of the infirmary, immediately to
the right of the Imperial Gate. The entire building has long since
disappeared, but no special interest would attach itself to a hospital
bath of the Outer Service, so we can at once proceed to the Second
Court. To the left is the bath of Be§ir Aga, but it is now merely a
ruin. To the right in the kitchen quarters several fountains and water-
cocks can be found among the ruins, but no sign of any bath on a
large enough scale to serve the complete kitchen staff exists. The
wall fountains were sufficient for ablutions before prayer, and it
seems highly probable that these members of the Inner Palace service
would use the public baths in the city.

With the halberdiers, on the left of the court, things were different,
for, as we have already seen (p. no), their duties were largely con-
nected with the harem, and the service was kept complete with its
courtyard, mosque, eating-room, dormitories, and baths. A glance
at the plan will remind us that the halberdiers' baths lay to the right
at the bottom of the stairs. The wall fountains were of white marble,
as can be seen from the few that remain, but so great is the debris
that nothing can be said about the decoration or even the general
scheme of the rooms. A second chamber leads off the main one, and
apparently served as the tepidarium. The latrines are built against the
outer side.

Of the baths in the harem itself, apart from the Sultana's bath, the
only remaining ones are those leading off the courtyard of the harem

204

THE BATHS

girls (No. 44 iii the plan), and similar ones I ' discovered ' hidden away
among the ruins of the so-called girls' hospital (No. 58 in the plan).

Here again any detailed description is impossible. The former are
in far the better condition, and remains of marble decoration on the
walls give us a slight idea of what they were originally like. The
rooms are very narrow, allowing of no central plunge basin, but
merely a series of wall fountains. It seems probable, however, that
a massage marble slab once adorned the middle of the main room.
The same applies to the hospital baths, but the state of these rooms
is really too bad to permit any further description.

As already mentioned, the Sultan's bath and the Sultana's are the
only ones in the Seragho in good repair to-day, and these we shall
now consider in detail. It was at these baths that the haremlik and
the selamlik met. A corridor, known as the Hamam Yolu (Corridor
of the Bath), connected the Sultana's suite with the Hunkar Sofasi
(Royal Saloon), and from the corridor itself access was gained to
both baths. The Sultan's bath [Hiinkdr Hamami) is the more import-
ant of the two, and is, moreover, the only one open to the general
public, so I shall describe that first.

It consists of the usual three rooms, the general scheme through-
out being one of brighmess and lightness, white marble and tall
narrow columns with stalactitic capitals being employed. On enter-
ing from the corridor one fmds oneself in a small room almost
entirely devoid of decoration, so that it is difficult for the imagination
to clothe the walls with gorgeous golden hangings encrusted with
myriads of pearls like those still to be seen in the Seraglio Museum.
Heavy Persian rugs covered the floors, and low sofas upholstered in
gold and silver embroideries and piled up with cushions lined the
walls. A bejewelled nargileh and coffee-set practically completed the
furniture of the room, in which one at once recognizes the undressing-
and rest-room of the baths. In 1934 a rather pathetic attempt was
made to enable tourists to recognize the original function of the
room by the installing of a sofa with white hangings along the right-
hand side.

On the left is a small lavatory of the usual Turkish type, to the
right of which another doorway leads into the Hunkar Sofasi.

The second room is the tepidarium. From a central corridor small

205

THE HAREM

rooms lead off either side, the entrance to each being flanked with
slender white columns. That on the left contains a marble wall
fountain.

A lavish use of white marble, relieved by the introduction of
gilt iron-work, makes the third and last room — the calidarium — the
most beautiful of them all. Here there is httle call on the imagina-
tion, as everything being of marble or iron has remained in situ.
Passing in through a fmely wrought iron-gilt door, one is at once
attracted by a really beautiful cascade wall fountain immediately
opposite at the end of the room. A closer inspection will show that
the boiling water was introduced from a boiler in a room behind.
The water fell into a marble bath beneath, which, raised on a marble
step, stretches the entire breadth of the central part of the wall.
The bath itself is narrow and long, like ordinary Western baths, and
at each end is a seat with a high back and a single arm-rest facing the
room, displaying a conventional decoration in a panelled surround.
All is in white marble. In front of the bath is a movable concave
stepping-stone, also of white marble. In each corner of the room
on either side of the bath is a beautiful wall fountain enclosed by
four tall pillars similar to those in the second room, the only free
one, however, being that nearest the centre of the room.

To the left of the entrance is the chief wall fountain, where the
more intimate operations of the bath were carried on. It is raised
on a semicircular platform, and is divided from the rest of the
room by a pierced gilt partition with a door in the centre. A small
window to the right looks into the left-hand comer fountain-room
between the four pillars. On the opposite side is a similar, though
much less important, wall fountain. It has no separate partition, but
a small window commands a view of the tepidarium.

Thus we see that the three-room arrangement of the ordinary
public baths was closely followed in the Royal seldmlik. The hottest
water would be in the long bath, and the wall fountains would be
regulated at varying temperatures according to the purposes they
served. In the second room the water would be much cooler, for
use in closing the pores of the skin in preparation for the most
wonderful part of the bath — the relaxation in the rest-room to the
accompaniment of the soothing nargileh, the slices of melon covered

206

THE BATHS

with snow, the steaming black coffee in the bejewelled ^w/an, the
crystal glass of delicately perfumed sherbet, or whatever else Royal
fancy might dictate.

The Sultana's rooms lie exactly parallel to those of the Sultan, and
are so similar as hardly to merit a separate description. The entrance
is not direct from the Corridor of the Bath, but is through a narrow
passage leading off on the harem side. The first room is quite bare,
being entirely stripped of the gorgeous hangings and sofas that once
made it a rest-room worthy of its Royal occupant. Unlike the cor-
responding room in the Sultan's bath suite, it has a small window
looking out into the corridor. The small lavatory lies in the left-hand
corner of the first room as one goes in.

The second room closely resembles that in the Sultan's suite, and
has a marble wall fountain and small window looking into the third
room, which one now enters. It is at once noticed that the bath is
not centred along the end wall, but stretches flush with the right-
hand wall. It is broader than the Sultan's, has no side-seats and only
one fountain, to the left of the bath. The rest of the room is similar
to the adjoining one, having a gilded wrought-iron partition and a
wall fountain on each side.

It is quite possible that other baths once existed in the ruined por-
tion of the seldmlik beyond the hbrary of Ahmed I (No. 88 in the
plan), but if so no trace remains, and no account has come down to
us. Records exist of the building of at least two baths during the
reign of Murad III (1574-95), but except that the work was carried
out by Greek workmen nothing further appears to be known.

I shall now turn to the only other remaining baths in the Seraglio,
the so-called baths of Sehm II, situated on the right-hand side of the
Third Court. As can be seen in the plan (Nos. 103 and 104), there
are several rooms of varying shapes and sizes in this part of the court.
The main room, supported by fourteen heavy stone pillars, was used
as one of the halls of the Palace School, and known as the Hall of
Campaign {Seferli Kogu§u), but the proximity to water is obvious
from the fact that the pages of this hall were entrusted with the wash-
ing of the Sultan's linen. Leading out of this room was a second one
of equal length, but not so broad, described to-day as the " Rest-room
of bath of Selim II," while a small adjoining chamber contained

207

THE HAREM

the large copper boilers. Farther to the right are two square rooms
of equal size and closely resembling each other in architectural detail.
These rooms at once suggest both by their massive type of stone-
work and by their high vaulting that at one time they all formed
part of a large and elaborate hamam. Yet from the time of Selim I
(1512-20) the farthest one had been used as a treasury, and its twin
was simply described as "Dressing-room of bath of Selim II." To-
day this latter room houses the silver and crystal-ware of the Palace,
while the other rooms have been altered to display the famous
porcelain collection.

The difficulty of assigning these rooms to their original uses as part
of the baths of the Palace School may possibly be somewhat cleared
up by a reference to Tavernier's chapter on "The Baths of the Ser-
aglio." At any rate, it will give readers the opportunity of drawing
their own conclusions, while the actual description of the rooms
affords a very good idea of the elaborate system of marble and faience
tiling:

I come now to the Great Bath, which is adjoyning to the Chamber
of the Hamangihachi, who is the chief Overseer of it, and which makes
part of the Appartment of the Seferlis, or the Grand Seignor's Laundry-
men.' The place where they put off their Cloaths is a spacious Louver,
or Banquetting-house of Freestone, high enough, and in one of the
most eminent parts of the Seragho. The Floor is pav'd with a very
delightful kind of Marble laid in squared pieces, and it has two large
Windows jutting out upon the Gardens, somewhat hke Balconies,
from which you have a Prospect of the two Seas. In the midst of that
Domo or Louver, you find a Fountain, the water whereof is receiv'd
into two Basins, or Cisterns : The former, which is the highest, and
withal the least, is of one piece of White Marble, having in it a Httle
intermixture of Red and Black Veins, and pierc'd through at six
several places, for the reception of so many small Pipes of Copper,
through which the water falls down into the other Basin, which is also
of Marble, of several pieces, and several colours. . . . On one side of
the Fountain, which is in the midst of the Domo, there is an entrance
into the bath, and near that is the Hall, where they uncloath themselves

• The significance of the word Seferli appears to have been twofold — referring to both
expeditions and laundries. The word seferi actually means ' on a war footing ' or merely
'appertaining to a journey.' The pages attached to the Seferli Oda were responsible for
washing the Sultan's clothes both before and after campaigns and journeys. Hence,
apparently, the connexion.

208

THE BATHS

in the Winter-time. A little Gallery which Ues on the left hand, leads
to the places design'd for the easing of nature, and every seat has a
little Cock, which supphes them with water to wash themselves, after
they have done. ... At the end of the Gallery, there is a door which
gives you passage into three Chambers, which are so many Baths for
the use of the Grand Seignor's Quarter. There is adjoyning to the last
of those Chambers a spacious place pav'd Checquerwise with Marble
of different colours, and there the Ichoglans are trimm'd. This place
has a little eminency in the midst of it, from which there is a gentle
descent of all sides, that the water wherewith the Barbers wash their
Heads and Beards may the more easily be carried off, and the place be
alwaies kept clean. On both sides of the Wall, whereby it is enclos'd,
there is a great double Cock, with two Keyes belonging to it, which,
at the same mouth, supplyes them alternately with either hot water, or
cold, and that falls into a Basin or Receptacle of White Marble, wherein
three or four men may bathe themselves without any inconvenience,
or trouble one to the other. There is also at one of the ends a little
Room of Black and White Marble, and there the Barbers, who have
no knowledge of any other Profession, put up all their necessary
Utensils and Instruments, as Razors, Hones, Balls, and those Irons
wherewith they pare their Nails. . . . Opposite to the Chamber of
the Barbers, there are three other Rooms arch'd with Marble, the
largest whereof much surpasses in Beauty those that are adjoyning to
it. The Floor of it is of white and black Marble, and the Walls are
done about with square pieces, that are white and blew, and in every
one of them you fmd a Flower in emboss' d Work, done to the Life,
and which a man would take for enamell. Little Lamines or Plates
of Gold cover the junctures of those square pieces, and there cannot
any thing be imagin'd more pleasant and divertive than that Chamber
is. In the Roof of it, there are several round holes, of about half a foot
diameter, over which there are httle Glasses made in the fashion of
Bells, order'd as the Venice-Looking-Glasses are, lest any one should
have the curiosity to get up to the Roof, and laying himself upon his
belly think to see what is done in the Bath. The place has no light but
what it receives by the means of those holes, and while some body is
in the Bath : But especially when they go out of it, the door is shut,
the better to keep in the heat, and to prevent their being seen ; which
might be, if instead of those forementioned holes in the Roof, there
were Windows below, according to our Mode. All the other Baths
have their Structures after the same manner, and having no light but
what comes at httle glaz'd holes, there is not any passage into it, but
that of the door, to the end that being presently shut, the heat might
the better be kept within the Bath, and to prevent their being seen who

o 209

THE HAREM

are in it. The Second Chamber is another Bath, but as to Beauty, it
is much inferiour to the other ; And as for the third, there is something
in it which is singularly remarkable. The Floor of it is layd as with a
sort of small stones, so as that the foot cannot shp, though it be wetted
at their departure out of the Bath : And the whole Room is done all
about with square pieces, having in them flowers of emboss'd work,
done to the Life, and covered with Gold and Azure. This is the place
into which the Grand Seignor enters, when he comes out of the Bath;
and he alwaies goes into it alone, when he intends to shave himself in
those parts, which are not to be nam'd without immodesty.^

This interesting, if somewhat muddled account, was written about
1666 from information received during Tavernier's sixth voyage, and
describes the Seraglio baths in the time of Muhammad IV (1648-87).
A shorter, but much clearer, account was given in 1635 by Evliya
Efendi when he was personally received into the private rooms of
Murad IV (1623-40) :

On the night that I read the Koran I had the good fortune to see the
imperial bath, with which no other in the world can be compared.
The four sides of it are assigned to the use of the pages, and in the centre
there is an inclosed bath for the emperor. Water rushes in on all sides
from fountains and basins, through pipes of gold and silver ; and the
basins which receive the water are inlaid with the same metals. Into
some of these basins, hot and cold water run from the same pipe.
The pavement is a beautiful mosaic of variegated stones which dazzle
the eye. The walls are scented with roses, musk, and amber ; and aloes
is kept constantly burning in censors. The Hght is increased by the
splendour and brilliancy of the windows. The walls are dry, the air
temperate, and all the basins of fine white marble. The dressing-
rooms are furnished with seats of gold and silver. The great cupola of
the first dressing-room, all of bright marble, may be equalled by that
of Cairo only. As this bath stands upon a rising ground it towers to
the heavens: its windows all look towards the sea, to Scutari and
Kazi-koi. On the right of the door of the dressing-room is the room
for the musicians (motrib-khdn) and on the left, the cupola of the inner
treasury {Khazaneh Khds)?

And with those two descriptions of the baths of the Sultan and
his pages we shall have to be content. It seems to be fairly obvious
that individual taste of each Sultan would be sufficiently responsible

' New Relation, p. 41 et seq. » Narrative of Travels, I, p. 181.

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THE BATHS

for any alterations such as the building of additional rooms or the
dividing up of a large hall into several compartments. It was only in
later years when the seldmlik began to encroach more and more on
the harem that the Royal bath was built side by side with that of the
Sultana.

2. Other Royal Baths in the City

At the commencement of the nineteenth century the Sultans began
to tire of the Seraglio as the Royal residence, and their eyes turned
more and more to the wider spaces on the Bosphorus. The most
beautiful sites were selected for palaces, which varied in size and style
of architecture according to the taste of the Sultan. Naturally every
palace had large and costly baths, but as time went on the tendency
was to abandon the three-room variety, and concentrate in rococo
marble decoration in a single room based more upon European
models, particularly as the introduction of large mirrors demanded
a flat wall rather than a curved surface.

Thus the bathroom at Dolma Baghtche is composed entirely of
veined Egyptian alabaster, with clusters of pillars, heavy cornices,
and dadoes of the same material. The whole is surmounted by a
dome of coloured glass through which the light lends added brilliance
to the polished floor and silver fittings of the room. Similar rooms,
though less elaborate, were built between 1853 ^^^ 1874 at other
palaces, such as Beylerbey, Tcheragan, and Yildiz. The palace at
Beylerbey was built by Abd ul-Aziz in 1865, but it replaced a former
one erected by Mahmud II (1808-39) in which the old three-room
bath could still be seen, and therefore can be regarded as the link
between the two varieties. Luckily we have a good description of
this bath which, coming from the facile pen of Miss Pardoe, is well
worth reproducing :

Passing a crimson door, surmounted by a crescent-shaped cornice
of rich gilding, the visitor enters a small hall, in which stands a basin of
fine white marble, occupied by two swans, wrought in the same
material, and appearing to sport in the Hmpid water ; which, escaping
from this charming fountain, falls through concealed pipes into the
basins destined to supply the bathers. The cooling-room, opening from
this dim apartment (where the Hght only penetrates after struggling
through stars and crescents of painted glass, inlaid in the marble roof

211

THE HAREM

like clusters of jewels), is hung with draperies of silk, richly em-
broidered ; and the large mirror which occupies the wall at the lower
end of the divan, is set in a frame-work of gold and enamel, surmounted
by the Ottoman arms, skilfully executed; while the divan itself,
formed of gay-coloured satin, is wrought in silks until it resembles a
flower-bed ; and the cushions which are scattered over it are of the
same beautiful and costly description. The bath is a vast hall, of the
most elegant proportions, hned, and roofed, and paved with marble.
It is hghted hke the cooling-room, and surmounted by exquisitely-
imagined fountains ; and gives back a long and subdued echo at every
footfall which disturbs its deep and dreamy silence.^

3. The Public Baths

So far we have examined only the private baths for the use of the
Sultan, his household, and other members of the Palace service.
But unless we get a good idea of the public bath we shall miss many
things that would lead to a better understanding of the manner in
which the great majority of the Palace personnel spent such a large
and, to them, important part of their lives. As the present work is
chiefly concerned with the harem, more attention will be paid to the
women's baths, for detailed descriptions of which we are almost
entirely dependent on the nineteenth-century accounts of lady travel-
lers. But this is not so bad as it sounds, because, firstly, ladies who
followed Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, such as Miss Pardoe and Mrs
Harvey, were shrewd observers and descriptive writers, and, secondly,
the public baths have changed little, if at all, during the centuries.
Their traditions have remained unaltered, and the description (given
at p. 215) of a bath that Bassano da Zara had about 1520 can equally
well apply to my own experiences in 1934. And as regards the female
baths, what differences can time effect in the behaviour of a hundred
naked women out to enjoy every moment of their temporary free-
dom with idle chatter or scandalous gossip !

But before we come to individual descriptions it would be as well
to realize that, like so many other things in Turkey, the baths are in
no sense 'Turkish,' but merely Byzantine baths adapted or rebuilt —
while they in their turn were taken from the still earlier Greek and
Roman originals. The whole subject is immensely interesting, because
' Beauties of the Bosphorus, p. 14.
212

iuL^

THE BATHS

the history of ' Turkish ' baths is the history of the blending of East
and West, and, as Urquhart rightly said, "Rome was indebted to her
strigil as well as to her sword for the conquest of the world." In an
institution that formed part of the daily life of millions we can see
reflected not only the development of art and architecture, and the
manners, customs, fads and fancies, of the ordinary citizen, but the
rise and fall of nations, the growth and decay of em^pires.'

Take, for instance, the most famous of all the ancient baths in
Constantinople — those of Zeuxippus, situated near the site of the
public gardens between Sancta Sophia and the mosque of Ahmed, near
the Hippodrome. The very name is romantic. It was here that
Hercules yoked the steeds of Diomed, and in the neighbouring grove
he raised an altar to Jupiter. There are many other versions given to
account for the name of the baths, but the etymological one is as
good as the others and much more poetical ! At all events this was
the spot chosen by Septimius Severus to build the most magnificent
baths ever erected outside Rome. They were intended as a peaceful
gesture in expiation for his reckless destruction of Byzantium in
A.D. 196. The proportions were vast, and the famous collection of
bronze statues there was without rival. Old Gyllius gives us a list
of most of them, and tells us more of their subsequent history. After
falling into decay and neglect the baths were rebuilt by Constantine,
and restored again later by Justinian after the Nika revolt of 532 to
even greater magnificence. When Muhammad II entered the city
they were in ruins, but so rich was the material, abounding in every
known variety of marble, granite, and porphyry columns, severed
capitals, and general debris, that he used it all for the building of his
mosque on the summit of the Fourth Hill.

But if Hercules was connected with the Zeuxippus he had a great
and highly pertinent rival at the once celebrated bath described by
Agathius in no less a person than Venus herself, who was not the

' A full and complete history of the ' Turkish ' bath yet remains to be written. There
is a modem work in French (Paul Negrier, Les Bains h trauers les ages, Paris, 1925), but
its scope is rather too wide. We must stiU refer to the excellent articles in Daremberg et
Saglio, Didionnaire des antiquites, and Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Art, under
Balneum, and to Pauly's Real-Encydopddie under Bdder. Much useful information is to
be found in Becker's Gallus and Clarikles. See also D. Urquhart, Pillars of Hercules, vol.
ii, pp. 18-88; Erasmus Wilson, The Eastern or Turkish Bath (London, 1861); and the
works on Pompeii by Gell and Mau.

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THE HAREM

tutelary goddess, but just one of its customers! Gyllius also tells us
of another bath, called Didymum, in which both sexes bathed
together, as they did in the luxurious days of Imperial Rome.
/ Other Byzantine baths, hardly less famous in their day than

Zeuxippus and all teeming with historical associations, included those
of Anastasia, Achilles, Arcadius, Blachermae, Carosia, and Constan-
tine. Of all these only the last survived destruction, and after its
renovation by Muhammad II was known as the Chukur Hamami, or
Sunken Bath, either owing to its position in a depression on the
Fourth Hill, near the famous church of the Holy Apostles, or else
because it was said to be built on the site of the cisterns of Arcadius.
The subsequent history of this bath was curious. As time went on it
was gradually built over, and was entirely lost sight of until its
rediscovery by M. Texier in 1833. He inspected it carefully, and
gave a full account in his Byzantine Architecture.^ But its reappearance
was brief, and in 1889 it was built over again,^ and will probably now
continue its rest undisturbed for ever. At the same time this is to be
regretted, from both an architectural and an archaeological point of
view, because not only is it the oldest bath in the city, but it was
built almost exactly in accordance with the plans as laid down for a
Roman bath by Vitruvius.

Byzantine Constantinople conquered the invading Turks with its
baths just as it did with so many of its other institutions and customs.
Several of the old foundations were used again, and much of the
ruined material was employed in the new structures. In the seven-
teenth century Evliya Efendi ^ tells us there were some 300 baths,
and 4536 counting the private ones. The number of public ones
decreased, and by the end of the nineteenth century there were only
about 130. To-day the number is rather less. In view of the fact
that nearly every traveller has given a description of his experiences
in a 'Turkish' bath,'* it will be sufficient here to translate extracts

' London, 1864, pp. 159-164. See also vol. iii of the manuscript collection of his
drawings at the Royal Institute of British Architects, 66, Portland Place, London, W. i.

* Apparendy the last man to see it was E. A. Grosvenor, who says in his excellent work
Constantinople (vol. i, p. 360) : "In August 1889, 1 visited the only room that could still
be entered. With a rope for ladder, I descended to a vaulted room, twelve paces long,
from which every trace of ornament had disappeared. This chamber . . . was itself
sealed up the following week." 3 Narrative of Travels, I, p. 181.

♦ Among numerous descriptions of the baths may be mentioned Nicolay, Quatre premiers

214

THE BATHS

from one of the earliest accounts in existence (that of BassanodaZara)
and discuss briefly any points of interest that may arise from it. In
order, however, to bring the subject up to date I shall quote my own
experiences when discussing the hot baths at Brusa (pp. 229-232).

During the time that Bassano was in the employ of the Seraglio
he took many trips in all parts of Turkey and visited many baths,
and so was able to make comparisons and get a good idea of all the
shapes and sizes. He chooses for his detailed description one of the
large ones, apparently in Constantinople, and says :

The design of these baths seems to me, especially as far as the domes
are concerned, to be copied from the Thermae of Diocletian in Rome,
although very much smaller. At the entrance is a room shaped like
a church, but round and domed with lead, large and commodious,
almost Hke the Rotunda at Rome. ... In the middle of this there is
usually a beautiful basin of fine marble, with a fountain of four jets,
around which are seats made of brick three cubits long and so high
from the ground that a man sitting there could not touch the floor
with his feet. All the vaulting of this first room is of marble slabs.
The above-mentioned seats are all partitioned by a small wall a cubit
in height, or by a wooden shutter of a considerable size so that they
are divided up and allow one to lean on one's elbow. Each of the
seats is about four cubits wide, and those who wish to bathe can undress
there. The seat is covered first with a mat, on which is placed a rug or
tapestry. On wishing to enter and take a bath one must first speak to
the custodians of the bath, who are stationed around the walls of this
room, and then to the cashier, who sits in a corner on a stool just as our
lawyers do. When this is done you may undress on one of those
seats . . . you must be careful not to show any immodest parts, for
shameless ones are beaten and thrown out of the baths. When un-
dressed you make your clothes into a bundle and place it on the seat
with your hat, cap, or turban which you wear, on top. Your clothes
wiU not be safe unless you have a servant to guard them, because the
custodians of the baths themselves will steal your purse and other
belongings.^ Before you take your shirt off they will give you a

Livres, p. 59 verso and p. 60 and verso of the English edition, pp. 72-74 of the French ;
Grelot, Relation nouvelle, pp. 187-192 of the Enghsh edition; Thevenot, Travels into the
Levant, pp. 31-32; Toumefort, Voyage into the Levant, vol. ii, pp. 314-316; White, Three
Years in Constantinople, vol. iii, pp. 296-313; A. Slade, Records of Travels in Turkey,
Greece, etc. (1854), pp. 398-401 ; C. Oscanyan, The Sultan and his People (London, 1857),
pp. 320-339; E. de Amicis, Constantinople (London, 1896), pp. 160-163.

* Cf. Thevenot, Travels into the Levant, p. 31 : "Having puU'd off your shirt, you put it
with your cloaths in the napkin you sate upon, leaving them there without fear that

215

THE HAREM

long ample towel to cover yourself— that is to say, if you haven't got
one of your own — and others to dry yourself with. . . , Having then
covered your privities with the towel, all the rest of you being bare,
you enter the first room of the bath, where there are always about
fifteen servants varying with the size of the bath, some shaving, some
kneading the bones, some washing, so that all are busy at their task set
them by their master. From this you pass through several rooms all of
different kinds, each hotter than the last, adorned with fme marble
and porphyry all round, like the vaulting ; and in each are two water-
pipes, one hot and the other cold, which flow into marble basins, and
the water which overflows on to the ground escapes through holes in
the floor. From here you enter the main part of the bath, which is
usually spacious and covered with marble so smooth that it is hard to
stand upright. This place, like the other rooms, is domed and has
several glass windows tightly shut, the whole being covered above with
lead. The dome in the middle is very high. In winter the baths are
heated at midnight (in summer every one washes in cold water),
thereby consuming vast quantities of wood. They use pine-trees four
or five cubits long, thicker than a man's thigh, and also a small amount
of oak. In the centre of this room, which we have called the heart of
the baths, there is a square stone of marble, porphyry, and very fine
serpentine, a palm thick, longer than the height of a man, and two
palms from the ground. It is set on four beautiful marble balls. As
soon as anybody arrives they are invited to stretch themselves on this
stone body downward, and one of the servants mounts with his feet
on your back and pulls out your arms in a certain manner pecuhar to
them. But it never pleased me, and I would never lie down there,
although they often begged me to do so.

Then, when they think they have massaged and pulled you about
enough on one side, they make you turn over with your body upward
and then start pulling your arms again until you might well imagine
it was an exhibition of the strength of Hercules, When you get off*
this stone you go into another room (whichever you wish) if it is un-
occupied, either colder or warmer according to your taste. For they
are not all of the same temperature (as has been said) and there are
some so hot that they make you sweat, and others moderated to suit
your wishes, for in the heart of the baths there are many Httle rooms
like cells all round, but well made and ornamented, and in each is a
marble basin into which two pipes lead from the wall, one furnishing
hot and the other cold water. You let as much water as you want run

anybody will touch them, for the Bagnios are places of Uberty and security, as though
they were sacred, and there is no cheat ever committed in them, for if any were the Master
of the Bagnio would be obliged to make good what was lost or embeziled."

2l6

THE BATHS

into the basin, and after getting it to the required temperature you
stop up the pipes. And this method obtains throughout the baths.
After this you he on the ground close to the basin and one of the
servants throws water over you from a bowl, while another washes
you, covering the opening of the little room with a towel. If the
servants are busy one does both the washing and throwing, while in
the case of a poor man he has to do both for himself because the
servants hasten to serve the rich as they are eager for tips [hterally
'drink-money']. To rub you down they use a kind of bag made of a
thick dark cloth ; no soap is supphed if you don't bring your own. If
you want your head, beard, or other hairs shaved a man who special-
izes in that business will attend to you. So also if you want to get rid
of your hair in any part without shaving they give you a paste, in a
different room from the others. The Turks use this paste a great deal,
for they consider it a sin to have hairs on their private parts, and you
never fmd any of them, either man or woman, who have any. And in
this matter the women are more superstitious than the men, and as
soon as they feel the hairs coming they hurry off to the baths. When
you have finished washing you change the towel you have been wear-
ing, which they csllfuta, in the bath, and on coming out a servant
approaches from behind with a basin to wash your feet again. You
then return to the first room where you left your clothes, which is
very slushy from the constant flow of water. Here there is always a
good coal fire, especially in winter, to dry several shirts at once as well
as towels for the bathers. When you have sat down the servant washes
your feet, and as an act of courtesy you are expected to show your
appreciation by placing your right hand on his head and then putting
it to your mouth, as is the custom with us in presenting letters. When
you are dressed it is up to you to recompense the servant as you leave,
so you go up to the grill where the cashier of the baths has his place
and give him what you think fit. There is no fixed charge, some give
him one Aspro, some two, others three, but most people give four.'

The above account is fairly comprehensive, and calls for little
comment. We might, however, enlarge on two points — the lack
of any mention of pattens for the feet and the custom of shaving the
body.

It would appear quite certain that in Bassano's day wooden pattens
were not used in the baths. They are not mentioned either by
Grelot or by Thevenot. It seems quite possible that they were intro-
duced to Constantinople from Venice, where they had been in use
' I Costumi et i modi particolari de la vita de Turchi, pp. 2-4.
217

THE HAREM

for centuries. Bassano's omission could not have been merely an
oversight, because in the first place he says how difficult it was to
stand upright, and secondly he mentions the slushy state of the floor
and how the servant had to wash the feet again on the bather's
return to his dressing-room. Pattens have several uses. In baths
heated from below they are most useful in preserving tender feet
from the heated marble. They also stop slipping on the wet floor.
When I attempted to walk round the marble basin in one of the
Brusa baths on bare feet I discovered it was both difficult and risky,
but once pattens were worn progress was unhindered. Lastly, they
keep you well above all flowing water and far less pure liquids that
from time to time pollute the floor. This fact was very clearly brought
home to me in the Turkish lavatory of my ' hotel ' at Brusa, when
suddenly without any warning the dirty water from other parts of
the house flowed under my feet, which luckily were shod in high
wooden pattens !

By the seventeenth century shops of patten-makers were common.
The pattens [nalin) were of plain walnut or box, with a leather strap
nailed to the hollow each side. More costly ones were of rosewood,
ebony, sandalwood, or other rarer woods, studded with silver nails,
with a strap of coloured leather embroidered with gold. In the Royal
harem the pattens of the kadins were even more luxurious, being inlaid
with mother-of-pearl and tortoiseshell, with straps studded with
pearls and turquoises. There is something coquettish in the use of
high pattens, and in the seventeenth century the Venetian chopines
were sometimes half a yard high." They were in common use in
Naples in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and appear con-
stantly in the literature of the period.^ In England patten-makers are
mentioned as early as 1400, and became a separate fraternity in 1469.
Until well into the eighteenth century the uncleaned and unpaved
roads made pattens for ladies a real necessity, and their adoption in
Constantinople seems to have come from the West, the ordinary
clog-like shoes of the Arabs and Persians not being sufficiently high
to suggest a new use in the baths.

' See Thomas Coryat, Crudities (London, 161 1), vol. i; p. 400 of the 1905 edition.
» See, for example, Basile's Pentamerone (1634) in the Penzer-Croce edition (London,
1932), vol. i, p. 60 n. 2.

218

THE BATHS

With regard to the removal of hair from the body, we find a
much more detailed and interesting account of the depilatory given
by Thevenot in 1656 :

. . . having shaved your chin, and under the arm-pits, he gives you a
razor to shave yourself everywhere else ; and you go into one of the
little chambers that are made in the intervals betwixt the sides, and
being there, you take off your napkin and hang it upon the door, that
so every one that sees it may know there is somebody within, which
will hinder them from coming in, and there you may shave yourself
at your leisure : If you be afraid that you may hurt yourself with a
Razor, they give you a bit of Paste, made of a certain mineral, called
Rusma, beat into a powder, and with hme and water made up into a
Paste, which they apply to the parts where they would have the hair
fetcht off, and in less than half a quarter of an hour, all the hair falls
off with the Paste, by throwing hot water upon it : They know when
it is time to throw on water by trying if the hair comes off with the
Paste ; for if it be left too long sticking on the place, after it had eaten
off the hair, it would corrode the flesh. Rusma is a mineral hke to the
rust or dross of iron ; it is much in use in Turky, and sold in so great
quantities, that the Custom of it yields the Grand Signior a consider-
able Revenue. In Malta they use instead of Rusma, Orpiment, which
they mingle with hme for the same use.^

This rusma is apparently the same as the Syrian dowa ^ and Egyptian
nilrah mentioned by E. W. Lane in his excellent chapter on the Cairene
bath 3 and by Burton.'^ It is obvious that rusma contained arsenic, as
several accounts mention the danger of its " corroding the flesh " unless
watched very carefully. In Europe to-day the use of depilatories
containing sulphide of arsenic has been almost entirely abandoned as
being dangerous, and in their place sulphides of calcium, strontium,
and barium are substituted. The advantage of a depilatory over a
razor is that the paste removes the hair at the neck of the follicle,
while shaving only levels it with the surface of the epidermis and
it soon grows again — if anything, rather stronger than before.

The use of tweezers to pluck out the hairs, although both painful

' Travels into the Levant, pp. 31-32. See also de La Motraye, Travels through Europe,
vol. i, pp. 95-96, and Flachat, Observations sur le commerce, vol. i, pp. 443-444.

2 See Alexander Russell, Natural History of Aleppo (second edition, London, 1794),
pp. 134, 378-379-

3 Modern Egyptians (London, i860), pp. 336-343.

* Nights, original edition, vol. iv, p. 256 n. i. See also vol. ii, p. 160 n. 3.

219

THE HAREM

and laborious, appears to have been largely favoured by women,
especially in Persia. "The Ladies," says Tavernier,

not regarding the prohibition of Mahomet, employ their Female
Slaves for the performance of that Office ; and with a small kind of
Pincers and twitchers, such as those wherewith we take off the hair of
the mustachoes, they do with a httle more trouble, but less hazard,
what that earth [rw^ma] does in less time, but with more danger. Our
5«/f(jne55e5 are yet too dehcate to imitate the Ladies of Persia; nay the
men themselves, in Turkey, are not very forward to have that twitch'd
off with pain, which the Razour can take off without any trouble.^

The removal of the pubic hair was even more indispensable to
the Muslim woman than is that of the axillary hair to the * smart '
woman of to-day. But it was not only these regions that had to be
freed of any superfluous growth, but every portion of the body,
particularly the orifices, including the nostrils and ears. Consequently
this practice resulted in the most detailed inspection, duly carried out
by the slave, or possibly by a female friend, who in her turn would
submit to a similar scrutiny of her body. Such great intimacy
between women has very naturally given rise to charges of Lesbian-
ism, which in many cases seem to have been fully warranted.

Writers are constantly telling us that no husband who wishes his
wife to remain pure and chaste would dream of allowing her to
attend a public bath, but unless his means allowed him to install a
private one at home he would fmd it well-nigh impossible to forbid
her the former — on both reUgious and sanitary grounds. It will be
interesting to see what Bassano da Zara has to say on the subject in
his description of the women's baths early in the sixteenth century :

Although men own the baths they do not do the washing them-
selves, for being most particular on this point they employ women
who wash those who come without a slave or servant. But most of
the women go in parties of twenty at a time and wash each other in a
friendly manner — one neighbour with another, and sister with sister.
But it is common knowledge that as a result of this famihariry in
washing and massaging women fall very much in love with each other.
And one often sees a woman in love with another one just like a man
and woman. And I have known Greek and Turkish women, on seeing
a lovely young girl, seek occasion to wash with her just to see her naked

' New Relation, p. 44.
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THE BATHS

and handle her. And many women go to baths outside their own
neighbourhood to do this, although the custom is to go to the baths in
one's own district. This and many other dishonest things originate
from women's washing. They often stay together at the baths (if they
go early in the morning) until the dinner hour, and if they go after they
stay nearly until evening. I will not omit to mention that well-bred
womendonotgotothepublicbaths,but havevery fine ones of theirown
at home in their serragU. ... I will now tell you in what manner the
middle-class woman goes to the bath, and how often a week. This type
of woman, then, visits the baths, many of them four times, many three
times, but every one goes at least once, otherwise she would be known
as devoid of deHcacy and dirty. But there are two reasons why none
would miss going. In the first place they cannot pray in church unless
they have washed, and secondly because as they are otherwise not
allowed to go out it serves as an excuse for leaving the house. With
this excuse they can do so, saying they are going to visit the baths,
when in reahty they go elsewhere. ... It is the custom with Turkish
women to have two or three Christian slaves, or slaves who once
were Christians but have renounced their faith. On the head of one of
these slaves is placed a copper pot, not very big but high and broad hke
a chamber-pot.^ Inside it they put a chemise of cotton which reaches
to the ground ; they are worth four or six scudi each according to the
fineness of the weave, and even men use them, putting them on as soon
as they have washed, instead of a shirt, to draw off all moisture from
the flesh and leave the body dry so that they can put their shirt on top
immediately and get dressed.

They also have a white chemise, clean hose, and as many towels as
they want. Then they cover the bowl with a hnen cloth embroidered
with silk and golden foliage ; and they take a handsome fine-woven
carpet and a beautiful cushion. On arriving at the baths they first
spread out the carpet over that provided by the baths, and remove
their silk cloaks. The pot is placed on the ground in one of the httle
rooms, with the base uppermost, so that the mistress can sit on it. And
when she has sat on it the slaves start to wash her, standing one on either
side. When she thinks they have washed her enough she retires to rest
in one of the moderately warm rooms, while the slaves wash each
other. When they have stayed as long as they wish, they put the
chemises and other garments back into the basin and go home, paying
the same amount as the men. There are some women who take with
them a rich repast, and eat it at the baths with the appetite that the
baths naturally give.^

' See plate to chapter xxii of Nicolay's Quatre premiers Livres.
2 I Costumi et i modi particolari de la vita de Turchi, pp. $-6.

221

THE HAREM

Bassano must have got his information from rehable sources, for
eighteenth- and nineteenth-century accounts of lady eyewitnesses can
add Httle, unless it be to visualize the scene more clearly for us by the
aid of a facile pen and highly developed power of vivid description.

In 1 717 Lady Mary Wortley Montagu writes as follows :

The first sofas were covered with cushions and rich carpets, on
which sat the ladies ; and on the second, their slaves behind them, but
without any distinction of rank by their dress, all being in the state of
nature, that is, in plain EngHsh, stark naked, without any beauty or
defect concealed. Yet there was not the least wanton smile or im-
modest gesture amongst them. They walked and moved with the
same majestic grace which Milton describes of our general mother.
There were many amongst them as exactly proportioned as ever any
goddess was drawn by the pencil of Guido or Titian — and most of
their skins shiningly white, only adorned by their beautiful hair
divided into many tresses, hanging on their shoulders, braided either
with pearl or ribbon, perfectly representing the figures of the Graces.

I was here convinced of the truth of a reflection I had often made,
that if it was the fashion to go naked, the face would be hardly observed.
I perceived that the ladies with the finest skins and most delicate shapes
had the greatest share of my admiration, though their faces were some-
times less beautiful than those of their companions. To tell you the
truth, I had wickedness enough to wish secretly that Mr. Jervis
[Charles Jervis, the Irish portrait painter and writer] could have been
there invisible. I fancy it would have very much improved his art, to
see so many fine women naked, in different postures, some in conversa-
tion, some working, others drinking coflee or sherbet, and many
neghgendy lying on their cushions, while their slaves (generally pretty
girls of seventeen or eighteen) were employed in braiding their hair
in several pretty fancies. In short, it is the women's coflee-house,
where all the news of the town is told, scandal invented, etc.

Some hundred and twenty years later Miss Pardoe gives us a
similar description, from which the following lively scene is taken :

For the first few moments I was bewildered; the heavy, dense,
sulphureous vapour that filled the place, and almost suffocated me —
the wild shrill cries of the slaves peahng through the reverberating
domes of the bathing-halls, enough to awaken the very marble with
which they were hned — the subdued laughter and whispered conversa-
tions of their mistresses, murmuring along in an undercurrent of sound
— the sight of nearly three hundred women, only partially dressed, and

222

THE BATHS

that in fine linen so perfectly saturated with vapour that it revealed
the whole outHne of the figure — the busy slaves passing and repassing,
naked from the waist upwards, and with their arms folded upon their
bosoms, balancing on their heads piles of fringed or embroidered
napkins — groups of lovely girls, laughing, chatting, and refreshing
themselves with sweetmeats, sherbet, and lemonade — parties of playful
children, apparently quite indifferent to the dense atmosphere which
made me struggle for breath — and, to crown all, the sudden bursting
forth of a chorus of voices into one of the wildest and shrillest of
Turkish melodies, that was caught up and flung back by the echoes of
the vast hall, making a din worthy of a saturnaha of demons, all com-
bined to form a picture like the illusory semblance of a phantasma-
goria, almost leaving me in doubt whether that on which I looked
were indeed reality, or the mere creation of a distempered brain. . . .
When at length they venture into the outer hall, they at once spring
upon their sofas, where the attentive slaves fold them in warm cloths,
and pour essence upon their hair, which they twist loosely without
attempting to dislodge the wet, and then cover with handsome head-
kerchiefs of embroidered mushn ; perfumed water is scattered over the
face and hands, and the exhausted bather sinks into a luxurious slumber
beneath a coverlet of satin or of eider-down. The centre of the floor,
meanwhile, is hke a fair ; sweetmeat, sherbet, and fruit-merchants (old
crones, who frequently have as many billet-doux as bowls ofyahourt —
coagulated buttermilk — in their baskets), parade up and down, hawk-
ing their wares. Negresses pass to and fro with the dinners, or
chibouques (pipes) of their several mistresses ; secrets are whispered —
confidences are made ; and, altogether, the scene is so strange, so new,
and withal so attractive, that no European can fail to be both interested
and amused by a visit to a Turkish Hammam.^

Another account is to be found in Mrs Harvey's Turkish Harems and
Circassian Homes, ^hut sufficient has now been said to enable us to form
a very good opinion of what a crowded woman's bath was like.

There remains, however, to speak of the Bride's Bath, a ceremony
in which a procession of naked virgins plays an important part, and
one which a virgin destined for the Sultan's bed would go through in
a form probably differing little from that witnessed personally by
Lady Mary Wortley Montagu :

Those that were or had been married placed themselves round the
room on the marble sofas ; but the virgins very hastily threw off their

' Beauties of the Bosphorus, pp. 15-16. ^ London, 1871, pp. 71-81.

223

THE HAREM

clothes, and appeared without other ornament or covering than their
own long hair braided with pearl or ribbon. Two of them met the
bride at the door, conducted by her mother and another grave relation.
She was a beautiful maid of about seventeen, very richly dressed, and
sliining with jewels, but was presendy reduced by them to the state of
nature. Two others filled silver gilt pots with perfume, and began the
procession, the rest following in pairs to the number of thirty. The
leaders sung an epithalamium, answered by the others in chorus, and
the two last led the fair bride, her eyes fixed on the ground, with a
charming affectation of modesty. In this order they marched round
the three large rooms of the bagnio. 'Tis not easy to represent to you
the beauty of this sight, most of them being well proportioned and
white skinned; all of them perfectly smooth and pohshed by the
frequent use of bathing. After having made their tour, the bride was
again led to every matron round the rooms, who saluted her with a
comphment and a present, some of jewels, others pieces of stuff,
handkerchiefs, or little gallantries of that nature, which she thanked
them for by kissing their hands.

The more intimate details of this charming ceremony, such as the
depilatory, are omitted, but can be supplied from a manuscript
diary of one John Richards, and now in the British Museum :

Upon Solemne Occasions, when a Virgin does prepare herselfe for
her husbands bead, they make a feast in the Baths to which they Invite
their ffriends, att w*? time she takes of the Haire of her body w^ she
never does before, and is allways practised afterwards in these Hot
Countrys, w'- how much modesty this is done I cannot tell, but I am
told that it is very Expensive.'

From the above accounts of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu it would
appear that it was the custom for the women to bathe in a state of
complete nudity, or nearly so. And if we are to believe artists who
have attempted to represent the "Harem Bath" there is no doubt
whatever about the matter. But whether this was indeed a fact is a
question that is, of course, quite impossible to answer. At the same
time it would be interesting if we did know, because if no clothing
at all was worn it would be entirely contrary to the usual custom
among Turks, not merely when in public baths, but when several
bathe together in a bath whether it be public or private. This applies
equally to men and women. In view of this it is interesting to

' Stowe MSS., 462, f. 42b.
224

THE WOMEN S BATH

THE BATHS

read a curious tale about Mahmud I (1730-54), who apparently
was in the habit of amusing himself with members of the harem in
various ways. According to Flachat' one of his little jokes was as
follows : having stationed himself secretly in a window overlooking
the baths, he would await the arrival of the girls, who would all be
given a chemise according to custom, imagining that they were the same
as usual. But the wily King had had all the stitches removed and the
material tightly glued together. The doors were then locked, and
the King watched developments as the heat and moisture did their
work. Some of the girls laughed with surprise as the dress fell away
in pieces, but others were very angry. This tale might well be true,
as Flachat undoubtedly had it from his friend the Chief Black Eunuch,
to whom the Sultan would be certain to relate such an amusing
experience. Although the harem consisted of so many nationalities
it must be remembered that their training was strict, and all Turkish
customs were closely observed. Quite apart from this, an assumed
modesty, occasioned by the ever-present factor of competition, might
well produce a reluctancy to disrobe completely before those who
were, after all, nothing but rivals for the Sultan's preference.

But we should hesitate to accept as fact what may be merely the
product of the artistic imagination.

On the other hand there is a manuscript of the Zandn-ndmeh,^ by
Fazil (Yildiz 2824-73), in the library of the university of Istanbul,
which contains a plate showing the interior of a Turkish women's bath.
This illustration is reproduced opposite p. 224 of the present work. It
will be seen that the women are almost entirely nude, and no attempt
whatever is being made to conceal the privities. The attendants wear
a cloth round the waist, leaving the breast bare. Attention should be
drawn to the exaggerated pattens worn by a visitor in full costume.

4. The Hot Baths of Brusa

We have now examined such baths as still exist in the Seragho,
and given a brief description of Royal baths in other palaces. We

' Observations sur le commerce, vol. ii, pp. 28-29.

* For a French translation of the Zanan-ttameh, or History of Women, sec that by J.-A.
Decourdemanche (Paris, 1879), especially the section headed Les Baigneuses, pp. 127-133.

P 225

THE HAR£M

have also considered die history of the pubUc baths at different
periods.

There still remain, however, the natural hot baths at Brusa to be
discussed, not merely because of their general interest from several
points of view, but because Brusa played a distinct part in the history
of the Seraglio as the city to which Sultans retired to ' take the cure '
when tired out with the excesses of fighting or debauchery, or
visited with acute attacks of rheumatism and kindred aihiients.

Brusa, too, was the city in which the Turks first learned to appre-
ciate the bath. When their capital was changed to Adrianople they
were already fully initiated, and as cleanliness is so strongly enjoined
in the Koran the ' Turkish ' bath had come to stay. But at Brusa the
way was made easy : it was not necessary to rediscover the hypocaust
of the Romans ; nature had already supphed the boiling water, and
it merely remained to divert it to the desired baths and basins, cool
it to different temperatures, and cover the area with some kind of
building.

Although Brusa has suffered terribly at the hands of invaders, and
to-day is but a ghost of its former mighty self, the baths still remain
in perfect working order, and one still can swim in the marble bath
of Rustem Pasha and enjoy the beauty of the Byzantine and Turkish
arches and magnificent coloured faience.

For some reason or other few people go to Brusa nowadays
(perhaps it is because the Hotel d'Anatolie is no more!), and as
recently as 1934 the Mayor triumphantly produced from his private
drawer a book containing about sixty calling cards to prove to me
that people did still come to the city ! Whatever misfortune may have
fallen to its lot during the long centuries of its history, its charm and
beauty still remaia, and, primitive as the hfe and the accommodation
are to-day, nobody should go to Constantinople without including a
visit to Brusa. Even if the baths have no interest for them, the glories
of the Green Mosque and the tombs of the early Sultans more than
repay any trouble or expense to which the traveller is put.

Let us therefore first glance briefly at its past history, and then I
shall add a detailed account not only of the baths themselves, but of
the actual experiences and sensations that these "Royal Waters'*
afford to-day.

226

THE BATHS

Brusa (also spelled Broussa, but known to the Turks as Bursa) was
founded by Prusias, King of Bithynia, when Hannibal was seeking
refuge with him. after the defeat of Antiochus at Magnesia in 190 B.C.
The city was named Prusa after its founder, and for many years was
the seat of the Bithynian Kings. After the defeat of Mithridates it fell
into the power of the Romans, and was but a second-rate town under
the capital of Bithynia, Nicomedia. However, it continued to flourish
under Roman rule, and its baths began to attract attention. About
A.D. Ill Pliny the Younger was appointed Governor of Bithynia,
and did much to beautify Prusa by the erection of pubHc edifices.
Among these were the pubHc baths, and Pliny devotes a letter to
Trajan on the subject,^ and says what an ornament to the city the
proposed baths will be. Although Nicomedia still remained the
most important town, the fame of the hot springs spread, and a
temple of i^sculapius and Hygieia was erected near the principal
spring whither in the third century patricians came for treatment.

In the reign of Constantine the baths began to acquire a great
reputation, and several Byzantine Emperors went to Prusa for the
cure at the " Royal Waters." Justinian erected the first baths on areaUy
large scale, and built a palace and khans for visitors. The area of the
hot springs was known as Pythia, but later, under Constantine
Porphyrogenitus, was changed to SoteropoHs (town of the Savioiu:)
in gratitude to the healing powers of the waters. Among important
people who benefited by the baths was the Empress Theodora, wife
of Justinian. In 525 she journeyed to Brusa with a cortege of 4000
attendants in golden htters, and is said to have taken a fortnight on
the journey, being persuaded of the baths' curative powers by the
good they had already done Justinian.

Brusa continued to flourish under Roman and Byzantine rule,
until in the middle of the tenth century, after a year's siege, it was
captured by Saif al-Dawla of Aleppo. It was, however, soon
retaken by the Greeks, who restored the town and strengthened the
walls. By this time the eyes of the Seljuk Turks were turned in its
direction, and the town fell into their hands at the close of the
eleventh century. They evacuated it after the capture of Nicaea by
the Crusaders in 1204, and did not recapture it until 1326, after a

' Book X, ep. Ixx.
227

THE HAREM

ten years' siege under Orkhan. From that moment Brusa increased
in strength and importance. The OsmanH Sultans had found a new
capital, and after their hfe of wandering and fighting settled down to
make the city a worthy centre of a new empire. Artists, poets,
architects, historians, and soldiers flocked to the new capital from all
parts of the Middle East. The Turks learned the value of the bath,
and the unwashed days stretching back to Ghengis Edian were over.
Bit by bit the traditions and culture of the Greeks were to be absorbed
by their conquerors, until fmally, when Constantinople became the
capital in 1453, with the adoption of everything Byzantine — the
secluded Palace, the veil, the harem, eunuchs, ceremonial clothes,
the weekly visit to the mosque, leaden roofs, red ink for State
documents, and a hundred other things — the transformation was
complete.

But much was to happen before then, and Brusa was not destined
to enjoy peace for long. Murad I had changed the capital to Adrian-
ople in 1 3 61 merely as a means of extending his father's European
conquests. The hearts of the Osmanhs were still in Brusa, where all
their first mosques and schools had been built, and where the remains
of all their early Sultans lay. But the blood-soaked Tamerlane was on
the way, and after the defeat of Bayezid in 1396 Brusa was sacked
and reduced to ruins early in the fifteenth century. Only ten years
were to pass before it was sacked again by the Prince of Karaman.
Fires and earthquakes played further havoc in modern times, destroy-
ing many of the restorations made by SeHm I and Suleiman. But in
spite of all these vicissitudes the famous baths of Brusa remain, and
once we are inside their time-honoured walls past and present have no
meaning, and the centuries roll back to be halted at our will, whether
it be in the days of Suleiman the Magnificent, Orkhan the Conqueror,
or Justinian the Lawgiver.

The baths of Brusa he about a mile and a half out of the town in
the direction of Mudania in or near the Httle village of Chekirge
('locust'), which, as we have already noticed, was once called Pythia.
The whole district is impregnated with sulphur and iron from some
half-dozen springs originating in sources on the lower slopes of
Mount Olympus.

There are two main iron springs which supply Eski KapUja and

228

THE BATHS

Kara Mustafa, and two sulphur springs feeding Yeni Kaplija and
Beuyiik Kiikiirtlu. On leaving Brusa in a north-easterly direction
you follow the Mudania road for nearly a mile, when you see in
front of you a most picturesque group of curiously domed buildings,
"the biggest of which is magnificent, and has four great Domes
cover'd with lead, bor'd like a Skimmer ; and all the Holes of these
Domes are clos'd with Glass-Bells like those the Gardiners use to
cover Melons withal."^

This is the Yeni Kaplija, built, or restored, by Rustem Pasha, Grand
Vizir and son-in-law of Suleiman, as a thank-offering for the Sultan's
cure of the gout. The temperature is very considerable, as the spring
rises at 195 degrees. Immediately to the right is the small Kainarja
bath for women, while the Kara Mustafa lies only a few paces to the
left. On the southern side of the road are the Beuyiik and Ku9uk
Kiikiirtlu sulphur baths, the spring of which rises at 178 degrees.
This completes the group, and now we must branch off on the forked
road to Chekirge, where the Eski Kaplija stands alone. The mosque
and tiirbeh of Murad I are close by, and remind us of the importance
of the baths in the early Ottoman period, but according to tradition
it was these very baths to which Justinian and Theodora came in
the sixth century. The water comes down at a temperature of 117
degrees Fahrenheit, and consequently does not need such a dilution of
cold water as is required at the Yeni Kaplija. In general architectural
details the baths differ but Httle. In all cases the first room is by far
the largest, the second room the smallest, and the third, and hottest,
room of medium size. The Eski Kaplija is interesting on account of
its fme Byzantine capitals, from which the arches spring with an
impost. The Yeni Kaplija is famous chiefly for its beautiful coloured
faience and typical Turkish arches. I have spent many happy hours
in both the baths, and the following account of my experiences
therein can apply to both equally well.

On entering the first room I am at once conscious of a curious
change of atmosphere, due not merely to the difference of tempera-
ture, which is not so noticeable on a warm day, but to other factors
which at first are hard to determine. But on starting to look round
I begin to reahze what they are. Space is undoubtedly the first
* Toumefort, Voyage into the Levant, vol. iii, p. 310.
229

THE HAREM

factor — vast empty space, occasioned by the two large cupolas and
high walls. Then there is the silence, and perhaps it is this that has
subconsciously impressed me most. Then the weird array of towel-
clad figures, looking like so many mummies awaiting burial, doubt-
less adds to the strange atmosphere of the place. The only sounds to
break the silence are the splash of the water in the marble fountain in
the centre and the occasional shuffling of some bather on his wooden
pattens as he makes his way to the warmer room, to which I myself
am shortly to be introduced. A further inspection of the hall shows
it to be surrounded with low couches and cubicles, for the use of the
poorer and richer customers respectively. At the far end of the hall
are huge wooden towel-drying frames, and if custom has been good
additional lines of towels stretch high up right across the hall.

I retire to a cubicle and undress. There is no need here to wrap
one's clothes in a bundle; no one will intrude. But on the long
benches I notice two soldiers who make their clothes into a neat
bundle and put their caps on the top exactly in the manner described
by Bassano about 1520. I now wrap a towel round my middle, and,
having put my feet into the strap of the pattens, shuffle my way into
the second room — the tepidarium of the Romans. Here the rise in
temperature is very noticeable, and although a certain amount of
steam is present one soon gets used to the atmosphere. In the middle
is a fountain of hot water, with large copper bowls for pouring the
water over one's head. I am told, however, that it is for use after the
bath and not now. So I pass on round the room, which is only half
the size of the first and domed with a single cupola.

To the right and left small rooms lead off— some for massage and
the depilatory, while others serve as latrines. The bather who
determines to 'do the thing properly' calls for a masseur, who
immediately leads the victim to a place apart. In the Eski Kaphja
a comer between the Byzantine columns is usually chosen, while in
the Yeni Kaplija space is not such an important factor, and a small
room can be selected at will. I am at once put into a small marble
bath, where I boil for about twenty minutes in water I can hardly
bear. I am then conducted to a marble slab, and the massage begins
in real earnest. It consists of two distinct parts, massage with the
glove and massage with the bare hand. The first is quite pleasant,.

230

THE BATHS

and the novice is intrigued by the rolls of dried skin and dirt that are
triumphantly shown him by the masseur. The glove having been
discarded, the manual massage starts — with a severity that would
make the feeble collapse. The powerful fmgers are worked in
between the shoulder-blades till they crack, and the backbone is
pressed so hard that one can only just endure without calling out or
trying to do something by way of revenge. For by this time I had
ceased to regard the masseur as a friend, but rather as a fiend who
for some reason entirely unknown to myself was determined not
to leave a whole bone in my body if he could help it. But the tor-
ture continues. The arms are now pulled out to their furthest extent,
Hkewise the legs, and both are submitted to such a drastic treatment
that I was surprised to fmd they hadn't been wrenched from my body.
One certainly has a greater fellow-feeling for victims of the Inquisi-
tion than one ever had before.

But the worst is over, and the next process comes as a great relief,
consisting of a complete lathering of the body from head to foot.
I am now left to recover, which, to my own surprise and satisfaction,
I gradually do ; whereupon I am informed that I can now proceed
to the third and hottest room. In the Yeni Kaplija the temperature
is reaUy excessive, especially as there is no outlet for the steam.
Immediately on entering I experience the most strange feelings —
a mixture of curiosity and shyness, if not actual fear. Everything
seems different. The atmosphere has now become heavy. Figures
lie or move slowly, like shadows in the underworld. With Ulysses
or i^neas I wonder who these strange and silent spectres are that
appear and disappear in the steam-laden gloom. Suddenly the clank
of a copper bowl, the noise of shuffling pattens, or the splash of a
swimmer recalls me to my senses, and as I gradually accustom my
eyes to this strange element in which I fmd myself living for the first
time I begin to examine the room and get an idea of what it contains
and what I should do next myself. For nobody is with me. I was
just pushed in and left !

But try as I will it is impossible to be rid of the illusion that I am
in some unearthly place, and a nervous fear seizes me, lest by some
erroneous movement or action I betray myself and hollow, vapor-
ous laughter proclaim my ignorance or clumsiness. But all is pure

231

THE HAREM

imagination, and as I penetrate into the room and gradually make
my way round the circular marble rim of the central basin I pass
naked bodies lying prone on the floor, or crouching in odd corners,
or seated near one of the side-baths, or bending over a wall fountain
looking for all the world Uke figures from a Greek vase magnified
to life-size by some magician's art. Time stands still, and, like the
lotus-eaters of old, I take no thought of to-morrow, and begin to
enjoy that strange feeling of warm contentment and relaxation that
only these baths can give. It is with a Herculean effort that one moves
at all, but gradually I creep towards the basin and slowly lower
myself into the water and experience the curious sensation of swim-
ming in nearly boiling water. The effort wakes me from my stupor,
and when I return to the second room it seems almost cold by com-
parison. Here I gradually cool off with the help of bowls of tepid
water and proceed to a far corner of the room, where I discard the
red towel I have worn up till now and receive three fresh towels
round my body, a fourth being wrapped round the head like a
turban, and a fifth put in my hands to mop the perspiration that still
pours from my face.

And now comes the reward of the bath — that feeling of bodily
satisfaction, cleanliness, and freshness that transcends the ken of mortal
man and elevates one to heights ethereal. I lie hke a king on my
couch and, clapping my hands in true Oriental fashion, call for
cigarettes and coffee. Troubles and trials are forgotten, and as my
smoke curls upward to the great space above I only hope this modem
burnt offering will reach the throne of Olympian Zeus, at the foot
of whose mighty home I lie.

232

CHAPTER XI

THE THIRD COURT

XvouGHLY Speaking, the Third Court is only half the size of the
Second. It includes the various buildings of the Palace School (now
the Museum), the Inner Treasury, the Pavihon of the Holy Mantle
and Sacred Relics, and the mosque (now the New Library) ; there
are also the two detached buildings — the Arzodasi, with which we
are already famihar, and the Kutuphanesi, or Library, of Ahmed III.

I shall discuss these two latter buildings first.

The Arzodasi is a rectangular building of a single story with an
overhanging roof supported by a pillared marble colonnade running
completely round the building. There are twenty-two pillars in all,
the majority being marble, but some of granite.

The gentle slope of the ground away from the Gate of FeUcity
necessitates steps at the far side of the Arzodasi. They descend in a
double flight of some dozen steps each. Although the building
underwent restorations during the reigns of Mustafa II, Ahmed III,
and Abd ul-Mejid, the general scheme of the structure as built by
Muhammad II has been preserved, and portions are said to date from
the fifteenth century. The interior is divided into two unequal parts,
the larger, on the harem side, being the actual Audience or Throne
Room ; the smaller one, originally panelled with sheets of gold and
silver, apparently acted as an anteroom for the use of ambassadors
and important personages seeking audience with the Sultan. The
walls contain much good second-period tiling, and attention should
be drawn to the lovely chimney-piece which Bon described as being
** entirely covered with sheets of silver purfled with gold." There is
also an interesting cascade fountain, so arranged, according to Palace
tradition, that the noise of the water falling from one basin to another
should cover conversations not meant to be heard by the attendants.
As already mentioned in a previous chapter, the throne can best be
described as a low four-poster bed. It still displays some of the ornate
decorations on the pillars and canopy, which once was heavy with

233

THE HAREM

gold and jewels, and with elaborate jewelled silk tassels, which hung
down over the Sultan's head. It is situated in the left-hand corner
of the room, with the fireplace to the left and the cascade fountain
to the right.

According to Tavemier ' there were eight separate coverings for
the throne, all kept in the Treasury until they were wanted. The
first was of black velvet embroidered with pearls, the second of white
velvet with rubies and emeralds set in bezels or collets, the third of
violet velvet with turquoises and pearls, the next three of velvets of
other colours embroidered in gold, while the last two were gold
brocades. The particular covering chosen differed with the status of
each ambassador.

Mention should be made of the charming wall fountain in the
passage between the two rooms, with a fine panel of tiling, sur-
mounted by the royal tugra, or monogram, to the left.

Immediately beyond the Arzodasi, but slightly to the left, or harem,
side, is the Kiitiiphanesi, or Library, of Ahmed III. Several authorities
state that it was erected in 1767 by Mustafa III, but possibly an earlier
one occupied the same site. It is a cruciform building approached by
a double flight of stone steps, which leads through a fme bronze
door into a vestibule which occupies one of the arms of the building.
The opposite one is a windowed recess lined with a low sofa and
with tiling above. The lateral arms, somewhat larger than the others,
are also tiled and occupied by large bookcases with glass doors.
Twelve marble columns support the high dome, from which a huge
lantern depends. A brazier, Kordn-stsmds, odd chairs, and stools, two
or three book-cupboards, a large carpet, and several rugs complete
the furniture of the library. With regard to the hbrary itself many
wild statements have been made, but recent inspection of the manu-
scripts (of which there are some 5000 in all) has failed to discover any
treasure of outstanding value.^ According to Gaselee the best manu-

' New Relation, p. 38.

* See F. Blass, " Die griechischen und lateinischen Handschriften im alten Serail zu
Konstantinopel," Hermes, vol. xxiii (Berlin, 1888), pp. 219-233; Stephen Gaselee, The
Greek Manuscripts in the Old Seraglio at Constantinople, a pamphlet of fourteen pages
(Cambridge, 1916) ; C, P. Vegleres in the quinquagenary number of the 'EAXr/i/tKcis
4>tAoAoytKos IvkXoyos, pp. 172-182; and especially D. A. Deissmann, Forschungen
und Funde im Serai (Berlin and Leipzig, 1933).

234

THE ARZODASI, OR THRONE ROOM

'•'if ••##«0»##

%%9

^WWt-^ ^^ ^ J"

THE HALL OF CAMPAIGN, WHICH NOW HOUSES PART OF THE
PORCELAIN COLLECTION

THE THIRD COURT

script was that by Critoboulus, being the only original Greek
account of the fall of Constantinople.

In a general account on the library written in 1845 Charles White*
says that it is more diversified than any other in the capital. Its con-
tents embrace all subjects, including a magnificent edition of the
Romance of Antar upon metallic paper, and another of the Gulistdn
of Sadi. It possesses Kordns transcribed by divers CaHphs and a col-
lection of portraits of Sultans painted upon a broad roll of canvas,
which are taken from a quarto volume containing the original
portraits of the Sultans and many of their children, with a preface and
short panegyric of each.

The library is closed to the public, and, as far as I could see, con-
tains very few printed books at all. These are now housed in the
building just across the court (No. 98 in the plan) which was origin-
ally the mosque of the Inner Service. I shall return to it later.

In 1719-20 it appears that Ahmed III founded a private Hbrary
somewhere between the mosque and the courtyard of the Kafes,
and it was here that the rarer manuscripts were kept. Whether
this has any connexion with that of Ahmed I (No. 88 in the plan) I
cannot say.

There seem to have always been two main Ubraries in the Seraglio,
one for the Sultan and the other for the general use of the pages.

The first account I can fmd of two separate libraries in the Seragho
is contained in the manuscript of Hierosolimitano (161 1), to which
reference has already been made in chapter ii. One of these libraries
is described as "pubhc,"on the men's side, while the other was pri-
vate and "further inside." It seems to have closely resembled that of
Ahmed III in its general arrangement. "On both sides," writes
Hierosolimitano ,

are two cupboards with glass doors, and there are always kept in these
cupboards some two dozen illuminated volumes such as he [the Sultan]
wishes to read ; and the cupboards are low so that a person squatting
in Turkish fashion can see the books which are visible through the
transparent glass and conveniently take them out and read them.
Above each of these cupboards is an open shelf on which every
Wednesday morning are placed three purses full of coins, one of gold
and two of silver, all freshly minted, for donations and alms.
' Three Years in Constantinople, vol. ii, p. 192.

235

THE HAREM

In the library which is behind where the attendants and pages dwell
are books of every kind and language, and of great beauty. In par-
ticular there are 120 works on Constantine the Great, each two ells in
breadth (that is to say, three spans each) and over three in length — of
vellum as thin as silk. There are manuscripts of the Old and New
Testaments, other histories, and lives of the saints all in letters of gold
and bound in silver gilt, tooled and inlaid with jewels of inestimable
value. And nobody at all is allowed to touch them.*

At one time many other smaller libraries existed in the Seraglio,
as each oda had its own library. Until comparatively recently quite
a large number of books and manuscripts were to be seen in the
antechamber of the Arzodasi. A few years ago it was decided to
collect all the books together into a single library and furnish it on
modem lines.

The disused Palace School mosque {Agalar Camii), which juts out
sideways into the Third Court, was chosen for this new library
{Yeni Kutiiphane), while the adjacent little mosque of Ahmed
(SuUanahmet Camii) was converted into an excellent reading-room
[Miitalea Salonu), where students are allowed to study from any of
the 12,000 volumes which this new composite library is said to
contain. The building is of red brick, rectangular in shape, and sur-
mounted by a cylindrical vaulted roof. It is well Hghted by two
floors of windows. At the western end a low cement enclosure, with
an old fountain in the middle, has recently been built.

According to Halil Edhem,^ who examined the building from an
architectural point of view, the plan was originally square and not
rectangular, and had a centre cupola flanked by a smaller one each
side on a lower level.

Immediately behind the New Library is the harem mosque, with
a latticed window connecting the two.

With the exception of the group of buildings knov^Ti collectively
as the Pavilion of the Holy Mantle and the Treasury, the rest of the
Third Court was devoted to the Palace School, with its various halls,
dormitories, classrooms, baths, etc.

So great have been the alterations in such buildings of the Palace
School as do remain that, unless he has previously made himself

* F. 104. * Nos Mosquees de Stamboul (Istanbul, 1934), p. 54.

236

THE THIRD COURT

familiar with the history of this extraordinary miHtary School of
State, the student will find it difficult to reconstruct it architecturally
by what he sees to-day. To put it briefly, the sites of the different
odas, or chambers, of the school are to-day occupied by the collec-
tions of porcelain, glass, costumes, etc., or else by the Museum
directorate. Even if an inspection of them all is obtained, modern
partitions, the heightening of rooms by the demolition of an upper
floor, and many other similar renovations make it impossible to
recognize anything from early descriptions — except possibly the
so-called Baths of Selim II. At the same time it is necessary to have
some rough idea of the working of the Palace School, which formed
so important a part of the Seraglio and was the one good influence
that to a large extent counteracted the pernicious effects of harem
rule. The best modern accounts are undoubtedly those of Professor
A. H. Lybyer ' and Dr Bamette MiUer,^ and embody the sixteenth-
century accounts of such men as Spandugino, Junis Bey, Ramberti,
Geuflroy, Navagero, and Menavino.

The earhest description is that of Angiolello (1473-81), but the
fullest account is probably that of Bobovi (1665).^ In view of the
above, therefore, I shall give here only the briefest description of
the Palace School, paying most attention to the buildings which still
exist in the Third Court.

In chapter iv I explained the true origin of the corps of janissaries,
showing that the distinctive feature of the system was the recruit-
ment of the corps from a levy of Christian children, who were
forcibly converted and specially trained for their profession. This
could not come into being all at once, and the earlier Sultans main-
tained a kind of bodyguard of bought or captured slaves, which as it
grew in size was organized and trained, not as a single unit, but as
several distinct divisions, in each of which the individual exhibited
that state of bodily condition or mental capabihty that caused his
inclusion in the particular division to which he was detailed.

Thus boys of pleasing appearance, bodily perfection, and of good

' The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman the Magnificent,
pp. 71-89, 126-128.

* Beyond the Sublime Porte, pp. 47-71, and the article on " The Curriculum of the Palace
School of the Turkish Sultans," in the Macdonald Presentation Volume, pp. 305-324.

5 British Museum, Harl. MSS., 3409.

237

THE HAREM

birth and education were at once indicated for training as pages in
the Sultan's Court, or as spahi-oghlans, or recruits in the highest corps
of standing cavalry. The rest became ajem-oghlans, members of the
Outer Service of the Seraglio and janissary recruits. The schools for
the Royal pages were originally at Adrianople and possibly Brusa,
but after the capture of Constantinople and the building of the Palace
on Seraglio Hill Muhammad, the most highly educated man of his
time, decided to establish a great School of State, which in its cur-
riculum would combine a thorough intellectual education with a full
military training and perfect development of the body. No better
patron or personal example could have been chosen than Muhammad
himself, who was not only a first-class linguist and student of history
and philosophy, but excelled in archery and horsemanship, as well as
being a recognized master in strategy and the management of muni-
tions and the commissariat. And so was formed this State School of
Royal pages, with a curriculum that at the time had not its equal in
Europe.

Several factors stand out as unique in the history of education
with regard to the Palace School that deserve special mention. In
the first place, there was not a single Turk in the whole establish-
ment. The boys were Austrian, Hungarian, Russian, Greek, Italian,
Bosnian, Bohemian, and even German and Swiss, as well as Georgian,
Circassian, Armenian, and Persian. But the point to stress is that
they were all slaves, and henceforth had no nationality, no family,
and no future except that offered them by the only lord and master
they were now to know — the Sultan. Once loyalty to the throne
had been clearly established it soon became evident how valuable
this highly trained body of youths was proving itself, not only to fill
official posts in a continually enlarging empire, but as a support to
the throne against the janissaries, who were yearly becoming more
difficult to handle.

In the second place, not only was the training long and arduous,
but the interest of the School in its pupils was for life. ' After the
modern undergraduate has graduated from one of our universities
he passes on to some profession or business, and practically severs all
connexion with the Varsity. If his education has stopped after his
leaving the pubHc school about the only tie he has left is the old

238

THE THIRD COURT

school tie. If he decides on an Army or a Navy career he will go
into Sandhurst or Dartmouth, where his general, religious, and
cultural education has to look after itself. But in the case of the
Palace School the education was continuous and all-embracing — both
mental, physical, and religious. It was private school, public school.
Varsity, and military or naval college combined, and as such is
probably unique in the history of education. But there was not room
in the Seraglio for all the pupils. It housed only some 500 to 800 of
the ig-oghlans, or Inside youths as they were called. The palaces at
Adrianople and Galata were used as ' outhouses,' so to speak, and each
contained some 300 or 400 students. These students apparently
ranked lower than those in the Seraglio, and their schools can be
regarded as preparatory schools whence the ig-oghlans would pass
on if they had made sufficient progress. At the same time two of the
Seraglio halls were also of a preparatory nature — the Great and Little
Halls — so it would seem rather as if the ' outhouses ' catered for students
of a secondary standard who might never pass into the SeragHo, but
merely graduate direct to some minor official position.

The odas in the Seraglio were four in number during the reign
of Muhammad, but had increased to six before the end of the
reign of Ahmed I (1617). Their names and functions were as
follows :

1. Has Oda, Royal Chamber {has, or khas, meaning 'proper,'
*pure,' or 'private,' and so 'Royal'), the highest and most exclusive
unit, consisting of 39 members only, the Sultan himself making the
fortieth. From the time of Selim I they were made custodians of the
Holy Relics in the Pavilion of the Holy Mantle.

2. Hazine Oda, Chamber of the Treasury. This was under the
Inside Hazinedar-bashi, a white eunuch, and numbered 60 or 70.
The duties were the care of the Sultan's treasure, making all pay-
ments, and keeping accounts.

3 . Kiler Oda, Chamber of the Pantry. This was under the Kilerji-
bashi, who controlled the kitchen service of the Seraglio. The
numbers of this hall seem to have varied, but the average was between
70 and 100. Their duties consisted in supervising the Sultan's food,
and they rode with him whenever he left the Palace.

4. Biiyuk Oda, Great Chamber, originally called Yeni Oda, or New

239

THE HAREM

Chamber, the change of name being apparently due to the creation
of the Kiigiik Oda, or Little Chamber, founded by Suleiman. Both
these chambers were concerned only with the education of the pages,
the honorary positions in the higher odas mentioned above being
awarded according to merit.

5. Kiigiik Oda, Little Chamber. Additional to the above. Both
halls were under the Ikinji-Kapi-oghlan, or Eunuch of the Second
Gate. The numbers in the Great Chamber were originally between
100 and 200, and rose to 400, at which time the Little Chamber
housed some 250 ig-oghlans. Both chambers had been abolished by
the end of the eighteenth century.

6. Seferli Oda, Chamber of Campaign. Founded by either Ahmed
I' or Murad IV, about a dozen years later. ^ This chamber actually
came immediately after No. 3, the Kiler Oda, in order of seniority,
and maintained its strength (from 70 to 150) by drawing from the
Great and Little Chambers. The pages of the Seferli Oda combined
the duties of laundering the Sultan's clothes for campaigns and run-
ning the military band. I have already referred to the connexion of
this oda with the so-called '* Baths of Selim IL" These last three odas
appear to have been under the general command of the Sarai Aghasi,
who was the Assistant Director of the entire School.

Apart from the auxihary schools already mentioned as existing in
Adrianople and Galata, a third one was founded by Ibrahim Pasha,
Grand Vizir of Suleiman, and named after him. Both this and that
at Adrianople were abohshed by Sultan Ibrahim, while the Galata
School is still flourishing. The total number of pages in the Seraglio
was never less than 300 or more than 900. The usual course of study,
extending for no less than fourteen years, included Turkish, Arabic,
and Persian in all their branches, while ' side-lines ' such as leather-
working, the manufacture of bows and arrows and quivers, falconry,
dog-breeding, music, shampooing, manicuring, haircutting, and
turban-dressing were selected largely at choice. Rewards in the form
of pay were always given, so that every encouragement to progress

' Dr Miller, Beyond the Sublime Porte, p. 56.

* Lybyer, The Government of the Ottoman Empire in the Time of Suleiman the Magnificent,
p. 128, n. I.

240

THE THIRD COURT

was extended. " These boys," says Menavino, in speaking of the
Yeni, or Biiyuk, Oda,

have a daily allowance of two aspers during the first year, three during
the second year, four during the third year, and thus their allowance
increases each year. They receive scarlet garments twice a year, and
some robes of white cloth for the summer.^

Discipline was severe, but the use of the bastinado was allowed only
once a day. The pages were watched day and night by the white
eunuchs, and every precaution was taken to prevent unnatural
relationships. That several of the Sultans preferred boys, or took
them in addition, to women is well known, and the following entry
from the archives of the Bank of St George at Genoa leaves little
doubt on the subject :

They [the white eunuchs] look for all the world hke mummified
old women, and are, for the most part, very thin and shrivelled. Their
duty is to attend upon the Grand Signor when he goes out in State,
and also to keep order among the white pages, mostly Christian lads,
stolen from their parents, to the number of about 300 to 400 each year.
Some of these boys are very good-looking and wear magnificent
dresses. Their cheeks are plump, and their painted eyebrows meet.
Very strange things are told of them, but these things are common
hereabouts, and nobody thinks much about them.

Rycaut devotes a short chapter to the subject, and says that the
pages invented a language of signs among themselves which they used
to express their passions, but that in the event of discovery they were
nearly beaten to death and expelled from the Seragho. It will be
remembered that the harem did not begin to move into the SeragHo
imtil about 1542, so until that date all the buildings in the Third
Court were devoted to the Sultan and the Palace School, which fact
may account for the position of the harem in its crowded position
away from the main courts.

Each of the six chambers of the Palace School had its owti hall,
dormitory, and classroom, and the number of buildings was further
increased by a conservatory of music, two mosques, a common room
for the staff and chief pages, offices of administration, the Baths
of Selim II, and the Library of Ahmed III. The majority of these

' Trattato de costumi, p. 91.
Q 241

THE HAREM

buildings disappeared after the fires of 1655 and 1856, but a glance at
the plan will show exactly what remains to-day.

Apart from the Hbrary already discussed and the Pavilion of the
Holy Mantle, to which I shall refer later, the oldest hall still standing
is the Seferli Kogu§u (No. 103 in the plan), the Hall of Campaign
{kogu§u being the modern word for 'hall,' oda meaning rather
* chamber ' or ' school '). This room, with the one behind it, was part
of the baths, and to-day houses the famous collection of Chinese
porcelain {(^ini Hazinesi). The next room (No. 104) was also part of
the baths, and is now devoted to the silver and glass collection
{Gumu§ ve Billur Salonu). The other five rooms in this corner of the
court constituted the Royal Treasury, for a very detailed account of
which I must refer readers to the gem expert Tavemier.^ To-day they
have been turned into the Seraglio Museum, and contain objetsd'art of
every conceivable kind, from the Persian and other thrones of gold
covered with pearls and rubies to teapots, coifee sets, clocks, desk
furniture, daggers, pipes, cigarette-holders, toilet sets, chessmen,
ink-horns, specimens of Oriental calligraphy, needlework, ivory
carvings, tortoiseshell inlay, and a host of other articles too many to
mention. Although this is not the place to give any detailed account
of the different collections, a word or two about the famous ceramic
collection may be allowed.

Many contradictory statements have been made concerning it,
and it is only in recent years that we have been in a position to realize
the true state of affairs. This is due to the pubhcation in 1930 of
Meisterwerke der turkischen Museen zu Konstantinopel,^ by Professor
Zimmermann, who personally supervised the arrangement of the
collection. A commission was appointed for this purpose after the
Balkan War in 1912, but owing to the World War the installation
was not completed until 1925. The next description was a brief one
included in the official guide-book of the SeragUo.^ Finally, in 1934
two articles dealing with the collection appeared in the Transactions
of the Oriental Ceramic Society, the first by R. L. Hobson and the second
by Sir Percival David. These are most interesting, and it is from them
that the few following remarks are chiefly taken.

* New Relation, pp. 45-51. » Two vols., Berlin and Leipzig.

» Topkapi Sarayi Miizesi Rehberi, pp. 68 et seq.

242

THE THIRD COURT

The Oriental ceramics in the Seragho form the third largest collec-
tion in the world. First, and entirely unrivalled, was that in the For-
bidden City in Pekin, and secondly comes the Johanneum in Dresden.
Therefore any serious student must visit Istanbul to complete his
education, as he will discover many unique and wonderful specimens.

According to Sir Percival David, the earhest record of Chinese
ware in Istanbul occurs in an inventory of the Palace made in 1504,
during the reign of Bayezid II. It Hsts twenty-one specimens, nearly
all plates. Another inventory was made under Sehm I in 15 14, and
listed sixty-two specimens said to have been brought from the
Heshtebesht Palace, in Tabriz. It was not, however, until the acces-
sion of Suleiman the Magnificent (1520-66) that the collection really
began to assume large dimensions. This was due to the personal
interest of the Sultan in Chinese porcelain and the great additions
made by conquest and received as gifts from foreign emissaries seek-
ing his favour. No further mention of the porcelain appears to have
been made until 1680, when there is reference to a larger collection
of Chinese ware as being stored partly in the Hazine (Treasury) and
partly in the mutfak't (kitchen).

In the reign of Abd ul-Mejid (1839-61) the collection was stored
in the cellars of the Treasury, and some of it was removed to Yildiz
by Abd ul-Hamid II (i 876-1909). On his deposition, however,
everything was returned to the Seraglio. To-day the collection
consists of some 10,000 pieces, out of which 1300 are celadons,
2600 Ming wares other than celadon, and the rest Chinese and Japanese
porcelains of post-Ming date. The conquests of Persia, Syria, and
Egypt naturally added largely to the collection, and the numerous
specimens of blue and white bear witness to this. Of interest is the
large number of green celadon plates which were in daily use in the
Seraglio. The colour was specially chosen as, according to a Near
Eastern superstition, it disclosed the presence of poison in the food.

Although by far the greater portion of the collection is Ming
(1368-1643), there are many fme specimens of both Yuan (1280-1368)
and Sung (960-1279) dynasties.

Continuing our inspection of the buildings of the Palace School,
we come to two very large structures, which together take up nearly

243

THE HAREM

the entire far, or north-easteni, side of the court. The first of these
is the Kiler Kogu§u, or Hall of the Pantry, now used as the office of
the directorate of the Seraglio. I have been in it only twice, but the
Director has himself kindly drawn in the divisions of the building
in my plan. Restorations have entirely altered the original interior
decoration, which must have been of a simpler nature altogether.
"Here were stored," says Dr MiUer, quoting from Menavino,
Badoaro, and Bobovi,

a full assortment of drugs, above aU of potent antidotes for poisons ;
the rare and costly spices, perfumes, and aromatics brought from
Egypt, Arabia, and the Indies; the huge candles brought from
Wallachia for Ughting the Selamlik, Harem, and palace mosques;
vast quantities of jams, marmalades, and other sweetmeats ; a supply of
drinkiug water from the two Chamhjas and from the spring of St.
Simon in the Old Palace ; the delectable syrups manufactured to order
in ' Grand Cairo' which were the foundation of many of the royal
drinks ; and the great pieces of ambergris sent by the pasha of the
Yemen which was one of the ingredients of a favourite variety of
sherbet.*

The next building, separated from the first by a passage connecting
the Third and Fourth Courts, is the Hazine (also written Khazine)
Kogti§u, or Hall of the Treasury. As previously mentioned, this was
the hall of the highest oda after the Has Oda. To-day it is used as
a sorting-room and museum store, and naturally is not open to the
general public.

The northern corner of the court is taken up with the Emanat
Hazinesi (Treasury deposit), used formerly by the Kiligdar (or
Silihdar), the Sword-bearer, and later as the Treasury of the Pavilion
of the Holy Mantle, which itself is the large square building divided
into four chambers in the extreme comer. I shall return to it soon.
Next to this, and extending as far as the New Library (No. 98), are
the Hasodalilar Kogu§u (Hall of the Royal Chamber) and connecting
rooms. The original building was situated near the Revan Kiosk,
the present one being rebuilt in the middle of the nineteenth century
by Abd ul-Mejid. The main hall is a large rectangular room sup-
ported by six pillars, having a connecting passage to the Pavihon of
the Holy Mantle. There are several adjacent rooms, which included
» Beyond the Sublime Porte, p. 213.
244

THE THIRD COURT

a small suite for the chief officer of the oda and a hospital used only
by members of the Royal Chamber, while the other pages were
accommodated in the larger one in the First Court.

This completes the buildings of the Palace School, but we have yet
to consider the Pavihon of the Holy Mantle.

Although the treasuring and veneration of relics, being a form of
idolatry, is hardly consistent with the spirit of Islam, the temptation
to cherish and reverence tangible memorials of the Prophet has not
been entirely resisted. Such relics, however, are very few in number
(as compared, for instance, with those of the Buddha), and are to be
found, not in Arabia, but in other countries which have adopted
Muhammadanism, either entirely or in part. Thus in India Bijapur,
in the Deccan, venerates two hairs from the Prophet's beard, which
are kept in a box that is never opened. Then at Rohri, in Sind, is a
single hair kept in a jewelled case of solid gold in a shrine erected
specially for the purpose in 1745. This hair is exhibited once a year,
and by a clever trick mechanism is made to rise and fall by itself.
Still more hairs, this time three in number, are said to be preserved
in the famous " Mosque of the Barber," which lies a little north-west
of Kairwan (Qairowan, or Kairouan), the most interesting town in
Tunisia. It is dedicated to Abu Zemaa el Beloui, who was not a
barber at all, but merely one of the Prophet's followers, and the
correct name of the mosque is "Mosque of Sidi the Companion."
The three hairs are buried with him, one in each eyehd and the third
under his tongue. As he always carried them with him when ahve
he has by some curious mistake been described as the Prophet's
barber. As we shall see later, the rest of Muhammad's beard is in
the Seragho.

Reputed footprints of the Prophet, like those of the Buddha, exist
in many parts of India, and appear to vary considerably in size and
shape. But apart from these comparatively unimportant relics there
existed in Cairo the regalia of the CaUphs,^ consisting of the Prophet's
standard and mantle, and, according to some accounts, his sword as

' I.e., the titular Caliphs of 'Abbasid descent who were allowed to hold a shadowy
Court at Cairo under the Circassian Mameluke rulers. The tide ' Caliph' (more correctly
khahf, in Arabic khUUfa, and never khalif, meaning ' lieutenant,' and so ' representative ') was
first borne by the four successors of Muhammad. The title then descended to the thirteen
Umayyad Cahphs of Damascus, then to the thirty-seven 'Abbasid CaHphs of Baghdad,

245

THE HAREM

well. Now when in 15 16-17 Selim I had completely subdued Syria
and Egypt, finishing up his victories by a bloody massacre of 50,000
of the inhabitants of Cairo, he not only obtained the title of Caliph,
but possessed himself of these sacred rehcs. His appalling cruelties
as a conqueror were only equalled by his rehgious humihty and con-
trition as a worshipper, and all his time was spent in the mosques and
other religious institutions in Egypt. The Prophet's standard, Sancak
§erif, was dispatched to Damascus in order that it might be taken on
the annual pilgrimage to Mecca, ^ but the other relics (exactly what
they were is uncertain) were taken to Constantinople, where they
have remained to this day.

They were taken at once to the Seraglio, and a special building was
made to receive them which became known as Hirkai ^erif Odasi,
the Pavihon (or Chamber) of the Holy Mantle, since, until the sacred
standard was added seventy-seven years later, the Hirka was the most
important of the relics.

As mentioned above, there has always been considerable doubt as
to what rehcs there actually were. All accounts seem to agree on the
mantle and the standard. It is with regard to the lesser articles that
differences occur, and it seems uncertain as to whom they belonged
— whether to the Prophet himself or to one or other of the "four
companions," Abu Bekr, Omar, Osman, and Ah. The best seven-
teenth-century account, and, in fact, the only reliable one, is that by
Tavernier, who got his information from two men who had served
many years in the Treasury. One of them was actually Head
Treasurer, and in this capacity was present at the ceremonies con-
nected with the relics. Tavernier describes the mantle, the standard,
the seal, and two swords. Of modern accounts I think that by White
is the best. His list includes the mantle, the standard, the beard, tooth,
and footprint, the last of which he saw personally. I shall now take
them one by one and give further details about them.

I. The Hirka §erif, or Holy Mantle. It is believed to have been pre-
sented by the Prophet to a pagan Arab named Ka'b ibn Zuhayr, one

whose dynasty fell before the Mongols under Hulaku (brother of Marco Polo's
Kublai Khan) in 1258. The titular Caliphs of Egypt continued to support a hollow
sovereignty in Cairo, until in 15 17 Selim I compelled the last of them, Mutawakkil, to
abdicate in his favour, and obtained the title for himself and his successors.
' It reached Constantinople at the end of 1595 (see later, p. 248).

246

THE THIRD COURT

of six men whom Muhammad wished to convert. He defied them to
write anything more beautiful than the Koran. Five of them acknow-
ledged their inability to do such a thing and became converts. But
Zuhayr persisted in criticizing the holy book, and fled to the desert,
hiding in a cave. Later he repented and wrote a poem which proved
such a masterpiece that the Prophet took from his own shoulders the
mantle he was wearing, one that had been woven in the harem, and
put it upon the poet's shoulders. The poet, being converted, became
one of the Prophet's most devoted adherents, and his poem has been
handed down to posterity under the title Bdnat Sudd. The mantle
was sold by the poet's children to Mu'awiweh I, founder of the
Ummayid dynasty, and, passing to Baghdad with the 'Abbasids and
then to Cairo, fmally fell into the hands of Selim I, and so came to
Constantinople.

It has been described as a green, black, white, and striped garment,
while Dr Miller was assured by several Palace attendants that it is in
reality cream-coloured.

Tavernier says it is a garment of a white camlet made of goat*s
hair, with large sleeves. His description of the ceremony connected
with it is as follows :

The Grand Seignor having taken it out of the Coffer, kisses it with
much respect, and puts it into the hands of the Capi-Aga, who is come
into the Room by his Order, after they had taken the Impressions of
the Seal. The Officer sends to the Overseer of the Treasury, for a large
golden Cauldron, which is brought in thither by some of the Senior-
Pages. It is so capacious, according to the description which they gave
me of it, as to contain the sixth part of a Tun, and the out-side of it is
gamish'd, in some places, with Emeralds, and Turquezes. This Vessel
is fill'd with water within six fingers breadth of the brink, and the
Capi-Aga, having put Mahomet* s Garment into it, and left it to soak a
little while, takes it out again, and wrings it hard, to get out the water
it has imbib'd, which falls into the Cauldron, taking great care that
there falls not any of it to the ground. That done, with the said water
he fills a great number of Venice-ChrystSLl Bottles, containing about
half a pint, and when he has stopp'd them, he Seals them with the
Grand Seignor's Seal. They afterwards set the Garment a drying, till
the twentieth day of the Ratnazan, and then his Highness comes to see
them put [it] up again in the Coffer.'

' New Relation, p. 74.
247

THE HAREM

The day after the ceremony the bottles of water were sent to the
Sultanas and important personages of Constantinople, together with
a piece of paper wrapped up and bearing the imprint of the Prophet's
seal (to be described later). They soaked the paper in the water, and
then drank the lot. Bobovi (as quoted by Dr Miller) adds that the water
was dew gathered by the pages of the Commissariat in the month
of April, and was regarded as a remedy against fever and other ills,
and was put into the mouth of the dead as a talisman against the tor-
ments of the sepulchre. As time went on the ceremony became very
simple, and is considered to have been more in accordance with the
original practice of the sixteenth century.'

2. The Sancak §erif, or Sacred Standard. According to some Arabian
historians this standard originally served as a curtain for the tent
entrance of Ayesha, the Prophet's favourite wife. The usually
accepted tradition is that it was the turban-winder of one of Mu-
hammad's converted enemies, a man named Buraydat.

During the FHght he was sent against Muhammad at the head of a
body of horse by the chiefs of Mecca. But instead of attacking he
threw himself on his knees, unwound his turban, and, fixing it to his
lance-point, dedicated it and himself to the Prophet's service and
glory. Like the mantle, it ultimately came into Sehm's hands, and,
as mentioned above, was sent to Damascus, where it was deposited
in the great mosque and carried every year to Mecca at the head of
the pilgrims. Reahzing its political possibihties, Murad III had it sent
to Hungary as an incentive to his army. At the end of the campaign
it was conveyed to Constantinople by Muhammad III, who had just
(1595) ascended the throne. Henceforth the standard became the
symbol of Ottoman domination, and was exhibited only when either
the Sultan or the Grand Vizir joined the field army in person, or
in the case of national emergencies (as in 1826) or on declaration
of war, the last occasion being in 1915 when a holy war was pro-
claimed aojainst the Alhes.

It would appear that the standard is detached from the pole and
enclosed in a rosewood coffer, inlaid with tortoiseshell, mother-of-
pearl, and precious stones. It is sewed within another standard, said
to be that of Omar, and this again is enclosed in forty different cover-
' See, further, "White, Three Years in Constantinople, vol. i, pp. 214, 215.

248

THE THIRD COURT

ings of rich stuffs, the innermost being of green silk embroidered with
golden inscriptions.

Whether there is any significance in the number of wrappings,
corresponding with the number of members of the Has Oda, who
were the custodians of the relics, I cannot say. White adds that the
mantle had also forty wrappers, but the account may be incorrect
on this point. The keys of the coffer were kept by the Kislar Agha
in virtue of his ofGce as inspector and administrator of the holy cities
(see p. 129). White actually saw the pole or staff resting against the
angle of the wall. It was surmounted by a hoUow globe of silver
gilt enclosing a copy of the Koran said to have been transcribed
by Omar. Another copy, transcribed by Osman, is folded in the
second standard. D'Ohsson^ describes the receptacle as being in the
shape of an apple and containing a Koran by Osman and the key of
the Ka'aba presented to Selim by the Sherif of Mecca. Tavernier
says the standard was kept in a cupboard in the Sultan's bedroom
adjoining the Hirkai ^erifOdasi.

3 . The Miihiir §erif, or Sacred Seal. The only account of the seal
and the ceremonies connected with it appears to be that by Tavernier :

Towards the feet of the said Bed [the divan in the * Winter chamber,'
or chief room of the rehcs], there is a kind of Neech [niche] made with-
in the very Wall, in which there is a Httle Ebony Box, about half a
foot square, and in that is lock'd up Mahomet's Seal. It is enchac'd in
a Crystal, with a Bordure of Ivory, and taking all together, it may be
four inches in length, and three in breadth. I have seen the Impression
of it upon a piece of Paper ; but he who shew'd it me, would not
suffer me to touch it, only upon this score, that he look'd on it as a
great Relick. Once in three months this Chamber is made clean, and
the Carpets are chang'd, the Pages of the Treasury being employ'd in
that Office. And then it is, that the Chasnadar-hachi opens the Box,
and having in his hands an embroider'd Hand-kerchief, he takes out
the Seal, with great respect and reverence, whilst the Senior of the
Pages holds a golden Cup, gamish'd with Diamonds and blue Saphirs,
on the top of which there is a kind of Perfuming-Pot, out of which
there comes an exhalation of all sorts of sweet scents, whereby the
whole Room is in a manner embalm'd. The Page holds that cup in
both his hands joy 'nd together, and lifting it up higher than his Head,
all those that are present immediately prostrate themselves to the

' Tableau general, vol. i, p. 265.
249

THE HAREM

ground, as aii acknowledgement of their veneration. As soon as they
are up again, the Page brings down the Cup, lower than his chin, and
the principal Officer of the Treasury, holding the Seal over the smoke,
all those who are in the Room, come and kiss the Chrystal which covers
one of the most precious Rehcks, that they have of their Prophet.*

Tavernier was unable to obtain a description of the seal itself, as
to its material and engravings. On the 14th day of Ramadan fifty
pieces of paper were stamped with the seal "with a certain gummy
Ink, which is prepar'd in a Pourcelain Dish, whereinto he [the Sultan's
Sword-bearer] thrusts his fmger, and rubs the Seal with it, and keeps
ail those Printed Papers" to send them to important personages to-
gether with the mantle water, as explained above.

4. The Sakal, or Beard. This is said to have been shaved from the
Prophet's chin after death by his favourite barber, Salman, in the
presence of Abu Bekr, Ali, and several disciples who performed
the ceremonial fumigations. It is said to be about three inches long,
of a lightish brown colour, without grey hairs. It is preserved in a
glass reliquarium, hermetically sealed, and richly ornamented. The
location of various hairs from the Prophet's beard has already been
mentioned.

5. One of the Prophet's Teeth. This tooth was one of the four which
were knocked out of his mouth by a blow of a battle-axe during the
battle of Bedr, where, 'tis said, the Archangel Gabriel fought on the
Prophet's side at the head of 3000 angels. Two of the teeth have been
lost, and the fourth is said to be in the tiirbeh of Muhammad II.

6. The Footprint of the Prophet. This was actually seen by White.
It is the impression of a foot upon a square fragment of calcareous
stone. It is believed to be that of the Prophet, indented by him at
the moment he was assisting the masons to raise a heavy stone for the
building of the Ka'aba. According to another tradition it was made
when Muhammad placed his left foot in the stirrup to mount his
famous horse Borak.

As mentioned above, Tavernier also describes two swords. One
is "a very homely kind of Cuttelas" in a scabbard covered with green
cloth, and is said to have belonged to Omar. The other is a short

' New Relation, pp. 73-74.
250

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sword venerated because *'it some time was the Sword of a certain
person named Ebou-Nislum, with which he cut to pieces, those,
who had spread a Heresie in the Law o{ Mahomet.**

Tavernier gives an account of several of the rooms which formed
part of the suite of the Pavilion of the Holy Mantle, but owing to
demoHtions and rebuildings it tells us but little. The main entrance is
under the colonnade in the Third Court next to the Mounting Plat-
form through a highly ornate gate known as the ^adirvan Kapisi, or
Gate of the Fountain. Access is immediately obtained to the southern-
most of the four square domed rooms, which appears to be a kind
of reception-room with a fountain in the centre. Of the remaining
three I have personally seen only the most northerly, and then just a
brief glance through the grilled windows that look out into the
L-shaped pillared hall. As far as I could judge the entire walls were
covered with exquisite tiling, and heavy hangings hid from view
what may have been show-cases containing some of the lesser relics.
Lanterns hung from the ceiling and rich carpets covered the floors.
There was little light, and as I was really being conducted to the
Hall of Circumcision my furtive glances were but momentary. I
made my exit the way I had come — namely, by a small door at the
top of a short flight of steps in the corner of the Fourth Court behind
the Emanat Hazinesi (No. 109 in the plan). Both this latter building,
the Has Odasi, and the kiosks leading ofl" the pillared hall were all
connected ceremonially and architecturally, combining together as
the PaviHon of the Holy Mantle. Exactly what part each played at
different times is impossible to say. I shall have occasion to add a
few words about the Revan Kiosk in the next chapter, as this really
forms part of the Fourth Court.

251

CHAPTER XII

THE FOURTH COURT

Although to-day the remaining part of the SeragHo is known as
the Dordiincii Avlu, or Fourth Court, the term is really used for con-
venience, and even so is apphed more to that part near the kiosk
of Abd ul-Mejid than to the whole area.

Moreover, the buildings connected with the Pavihon of the Holy
Mantle and the marble terrace leading to the lovely Baghdad Kiosk
in no way constitute part of another court, while the kiosk of Abd
ul-Mejid, being a late Louis-Philippe erection, hardly comes into the
history of the SeragUo at all.

With its unrivalled views of the Marmora, the Bosphorus, and the
Princes' Islands, this part of the Seraglio was proclaimed by nature
to be a garden, and as such successive Sultans have vied with one
another to make it more lovely. From the very foundation of the
Palace kiosks were built on the highest points amid the trees and
flowers. Here every passing breeze would be caught, and, freed
from the cares of State, or even from domestic troubles, the Sultans
could enjoy perfect peace and privacy. That it was a private garden
can at once be reahzed by a glance at the plan. It was entirely cut off
from the other SeragHo buildings. Only the back windows of the
Kiler Kogu§u and the Treasury looked on to it, and on those occasions
when members of the harem were allowed to walk in the garden, or
in the event of a garden ^^e, every window was securely barred and
all doors were closed. Connexion with the harem was cut off by the
Pavihon of the Holy Mantle, and the pages of the Palace School were
safely kept in the Third Court. As we have already seen in an early
chapter, it was through a door leading into this garden that surrep-
titious visitors were introduced, and some of the buildings mentioned
as existing in the most northerly part of the gardens were obviously
summer kiosks which fell into ruins as time went on, or else were
pulled down to make room for the Baghdad Kiosk in 1639, or for
the adjoining marble terrace, known as the Sultan Ibrahim Kameriyesi.

252

THE FOURTH COURT

The vast space of undergrowth hiding foundations of long-
forgotten buildings which stretches from the Hall of Circumcision
and the Baghdad Kiosk to the outer wall of the Seraglio has already
been mentioned (p. 200).

Before speaking of the tuhp gardens of Ahmed III which became
so famous in the first quarter of the eighteenth century I shall deal
briefly with such buildings as still exist in this so-called Fourth
Court. As mentioned in the previous chapter, the Revan Kiosk was
really connected with the Pavihon of the Holy Mantle. It occupies
the highest point of the whole Seragho, and from the time of Muham-
mad II this hill undoubtedly supported some building or other which
formed a summer retreat close to the seldmlik. Here the sweet scents
of the garden and one of the world's most lovely views could be
continually enjoyed.

In the spring of 1635 Murad IV set out on his Anatolian campaign,
expelling the Persian heretics from those cities in the Ottoman
Empire they still occupied. Revan (Persian Riwan, Enghsh Erivan or
Irwan), the capital of the Government of the same name, in Trans-
caucasia, to the north of Ararat, was conquered, and on the march
back all provincial governors convicted of the shghtest neglect were
severely punished. At Revan the Sultan is said to have seen a kiosk
which pleased him exceedingly, and on his return to the capital
orders were given to have it copied in the Royal garden. The site
on the most prominent part of the Seragho was selected. Although
named after the scene of Murad's victory, Revan, it also became known
as the Sarik Odasi, or Room of the Turban. It is cruciform in shape,
and could be described as a smaller edition of the Baghdad Kiosk.
But owing to the fact that it is no longer ' free,' but has been joined
to the back of the Emanat Hazinesi by a wall pierced with large
windows, a wrong impression of its original form is obtained. It
consists of a domed chamber lighted by a double row of rather
narrow muUioned windows. A roof with widely overhanging
eaves affords shade to the centre chamber as well as to the balconies
between the arms of the kiosk. A small bay, or window divan,
has been built into what was once the balcony overlooking the
tuHp garden. The upper part of the exterior is tiled, while the
inside closely resembles that of the Baghdad Kiosk, being covered

253

THE HAREM

with second-period tilings and fine examples of the calligrapher's
art.

In 1638 Murad IV made his final and greatest expedition against
the Persians, which culminated in the capture of Baghdad. Suleiman
the Magnificent had taken the town in 1534, and now Murad recap-
tured it, thus upholding the curious tradition in the East that the
great city of Baghdad, the ancient city of the Caliphate, can only be
taken by a sovereign in person.

Murad always had an eye for architectural beauty, and this time
he saw a building which seemed to him the most perfect of its kind
in the world. After his triumphal return to Constantinople orders
were given to build a kiosk near the other one on the model of that
in Baghdad.

The plan is cruciform, like the Revan Kiosk, but the surrounding
arcade, with its broad overhanging roof, forms an outer cross which
gives the effect of an octagon by the addition of smaU balconies or
bay-windows between some of the arms. Other additions have also
tended to alter the original plan. For instance, when facing the kiosk
from the marble terrace we see that the arcade to the right, or garden
side, is filled in, the tiling and traceried windows being continued in
exact rephca of the main kiosk, thus forming a kind of external
anteroom. It was used at one time as a library. To the left the arcade
is open, but on walking round in this direction we soon reach a point
when it becomes closed with glass panelling, and extends thus until
it meets the anteroom on the south side. A glance at the plan will
supplement this description.

Taken together, the Revan and the Baghdad Kiosks are examples
of the supreme works of the Turkish architectural style based on
Persian originals of the seventeenth century. The tilework has
reached its zenith, the outside of the latter is covered with tiles from
the base to the eaves, while, as mentioned above, that of the former
is tiled half-way up, but the general external effect is one of harmony
and symmetry, to which a grace and lightness is imparted by the
slender columns with capitals displaying the lotus motif. In the Bagh-
dad Kiosk the voussoirs to the arches are in coloured marble with
serrated edges, and the spandrels between the arches are decorated
with circular medallions inlaid flush with the white marble surface.

254

THE FOURTH COURT

A gilded dome, with a tall lantern above, is carried by arches which
span the openings to the four arms of the cross. A gilt ornate ball
(at one time a lamp) hangs on a long chain from the centre of the
dome. The interior tiling is of the highest order, the shades of
colour especially noticeable being green and both dark and light
blue on a white ground. The designs are mainly floral. The pome-
granate flowers and large-leafed foUage in two-handled vases in
panels on each side of the fireplace are magnificent. The bird de-
signs are also deserving of special mention, the red beaks affording
a striking note of bright contrast against the lighter background.

The handsome bronze fireplace is of the usual canopied style, and
is built low to give warmth to people sitting on sofas and divans.
Bassano tells us that the logs were placed upright, and not across as is
usual with us, the idea being to create an upward draught and avoid
smoking. A tall minaret-shaped chimney pierces the roof at one
side of the dome. A broad Cufic cornice runs right round the room
into the recesses, which are lined with magnificently embroidered
divans. Behind and at the sides of these divans are cupboards, the
doors of which are inlaid with ivory and mother-of-pearl. Similarly
inlaid niches display Chinese porcelain, and were probably used for
pipes, perfumes, and similar articles. Traceried windows occupy the
upper part of the kiosk, in pairs within the recesses and singly in
the intervening wall spaces. A table or brazier is usually placed in
the centre of the room, but this is a purely modem arrangement
for decorative purposes. The kiosk has had many uses during the
centuries, being in turn a smoking-lounge, a library, a reception-
room, and a prison.

Between the Baghdad Kliosk and the Hall of Circumcision stretches
the wide marble terrace, with the havuz, or pool, on the left stretching
dov^Ti to the Revan KLiosk. To the right, as one faces the Hall of
Circumcision, is a finely wrought canopy in gilded bronze raised on
four slender columns. According to an inscription, it bears the name
of Iftariye, from Iftar, the meal taken after sunset during a fast,
because it was here that Ibrahim took his evening meal during
Ramadan. It was here also that this same Sultan gave alms as part of
the celebrations of his sons* circumcision, and the official guide-book
to the Seraglio has two most interesting pictures (facing p. 128), the

255

THE HAREM

first of which shows the Sultan standing in front of the Iftariye,
while several men are on their knees picking up the bah§i§ which has
been thrown down near the havuz. In the second picture the havuz
and the grovelling men still appear, but behind the line of nine
officials we see the Royal Princes resting on divans, apparently after
the operation, while the Sultan holds some high official, probably
the Chief Physician, in conversation. The havuz itself is all that now
remains of the * water-garden ' which early writers have described
as existing in this part of the Seraglio. It is open on the terrace sides,
and bounded on the other two sides by the windows of the HaU
of Pillars and the Revan Kiosk. There is a charming pyramidical
marble fountain in the middle, and the reflection of the gleaming
white marble balustrade and surrounding columns in the waters of
the pool beneath lends a coolness and serenity to the whole of these
upper terrace buildings that is both restful and dignified. Passing
down from the terrace by a short flight of marble steps at the side
of the Revan Kiosk, one reaches the gardens. They extended, on
various levels, throughout the whole of the Fourth Court, being
broken to the north-east by the kiosk of Mustafa Pasha (No. ii8)
and the truncated tower chamber known as the Hekimha§i Odasi, or
Chamber of the Chief Physician (No. 119). As far as I can ascer-
tain, the tulip gardens lay between the Revan Kiosk and the
Hekimba§i Odasi — i.e., Nos. 113 and 119 in the plan — while an
orangery was planted on the lower level behind the kiosk of Mustafa
Pasha, extending northward as far as the rectangular sunken marble
pool which Hes just under the Baghdad Kiosk.

Another, and smaller, pool separates the kiosk of Mustafa Pasha
and the Hekimba§i Odasi on the lower level.

The former of these buildings consists of two chambers of uneven
sizes with a long flight of steps between them leading to the orangery.
They rest on slender marble columns which can only be seen from
the lower gardens. The origin of the building and the name of the
architect appear to be unknown, and it was only later restorations
that attached to it the name of the Vizir Mustafa Pasha. The earliest
date known in connexion with it is 1704, when it was first restored
by Ahmed III, as is recorded on an inscription. The name Sofa
Kd§kii, or Kiosk of the Sofa, is also apphed to this building, but the

256

THE FOURTH COURT

reason for this alternative name remains unexplained. Certainly the
chief attraction of the kiosk is the huge sofa window looking out
on gardens beneath, and the word sofa is used in this sense as well as
to denote an anteroom. The general decoration of the kiosk is
Louis XV, and need not detain us further. It is said that the seal of
the Grand Vizir was kept here.

The neighbouring Hekimba§i Odasi is a two-storied building look-
ing more like a prison, with its row of heavily barred windows right
at the very top, immediately underneath a triple cornice, than the
Chamber of the Chief Physician. As previously mentioned, it is
said to be the lower part of an early tower, and Palace tradition dates
it back to the time of Muhammad II.

A collection of early medical instruments can still be seen in the
cupboards within.

In striking contrast are the Uguncii Kapi, or Third Gate, and the
Abd ul-Mejid Kiosk [Mecidiye Kd§ku), in the south-eastern comer
of the court. They both seem quite out of place here, and would
be much more at home in Versailles. The kiosk, or New Pavihon
as it is sometimes called, was built by a French architect in the middle
of the nineteenth century on the site of two earlier kiosks — the (^adity
or Tent, and the Ugilncu Yeri, or Kiosk of the Third Estate. It houses
a strange collection of French furniture of every period, that of the
Second Empire predominating.^

Numerous gilt clocks, elaborate silver-gilt centrepieces, candelabra,
inlaid caskets, reproductions of famous triumphal columns, etc.,
stand on Louis XV marble mantelpieces, ormolu commodes, or
else occupy positions in the centre of the rooms. There is also a
collection of paintings of the Sultans, which is not on view to the
public as yet. It is needless to say that the view from the kiosk is
unsurpassed. In latter years the kiosk was used as the reception-
room for important visitors to the Seraglio, and here it was that
coffee, cigarettes, and rose-leaf jam were served before the inspec-
tion of the courts began.

The only other buildings in the court consist of a little kiosk called
Esvap Odasi, or Chamber of Robes (which apparently was used for

' For further details see the modem Turkish guide-book, Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi
Rehberi, p. 150.

R 257

THE HAREM

donning ceremonial robes for receptions held in the Mecidiye Kd§ku),
and the Sofa Camii, or mosque for the servants of the Pavilion of the
Holy Mantle.

There remains but to speak of the gardens and to give a short
account of the famous tulip^feas held during the reign of Mahmud I.
Most of the Sultans were really interested in the Seraglio gardens,
and each made some addition either by laying out an entirely new
garden or by the introduction of some hitherto unknowni plants or
trees. Ibrahim was particularly fond of tulips, while Muhammad IV
favoured the Ranunculus genus, having roots and seeds sent by his
Pashas from all parts of Syria and the islands in the Mediterranean.
But other flowers, such as the rose, the carnation, the hyacinth, and
the lilac, were also cultivated to a large extent, and not only in this
garden, but in that of the Summer Palace, near Seraglio Point, as well ;
and at one time they must have been a marvellous sight to behold.

To-day no trace of the past glory remains, and a box-hedge and a
few scattered trees are all that is left.

It was, however, in the reign of Ahmed III that the tulip reached
its height and actually began to interfere with State business and to
prove a drain on the national resources by the reckless extravagance
of the fetes, which seemed to be regarded as even more important
than the great national festivals themselves. In the next reign, that
of Mahmud I, the tulip cult was still continued, but in a lesser degree ;
and it was during this period that Flachat made his observations. He
has left us a detailed account of a tulip fete which well deserves in-
clusion here :

It takes place in April. Wooden frames [or 'galleries'] are erected
in the courtyard of the New Serail, on both sides of which rows of
shelves are arranged for the setting out of the vases containing the
tulips in the form of an amphitheatre. Alternating with the vases are
lamps, and from the topmost shelves cages of canaries hang, with glass
balls fdled with different coloured waters. The reverberation of the
light affords as pleasing a prospect in the day-time as it does at night.
The extensive walk in the enclosure formed by the wooden structures
offers to the sight various well-designed edifices, such as pyramids,
towers, and floral bowers set up in different places.

Art creates illusion, harmony makes such lovely places live, and one
imagines oneself suddenly transported to the palace of one's dreams.

258

THE FOURTH COURT

The Sultan's kiosk, or pavilion, is in the centre. It is there that the
presents sent by the Court grandees are displayed. They are pointed
out to his Piighness, the source of origin being explained in each case.
It is a good opportunity to show one's anxiety to please. Ambition
and rivalry strive to create something new. At any rate, whatever
may be lacking in originality and rarity is balanced in richness and
magnificence.

When all is ready the Grand Seigneur causes kalvet [the state of
complete privacy, either alone or with the harem] to be announced.
All the gates of the Serail leading to the garden are closed. The
Bostanchis stand on guard outside, and the black eunuchs inside. All
the Sultanas come there from the Karem after the Sultan. The Keslar
Aga, at the head of the other eunuchs, officiates. The women rush out
on all sides, hke a swarm of bees settling on the flowers and stopping
continually at the honey they find. There are numbers of them of
every kind and sort. The Keslar Aga has assured me several times that
the gaiety of these occasions seems to bring out any skill they claim to
possess, or arts which they display in anything they do to amuse.
Those little games that the poets invented for Cupid and the nymphs
may give some slight idea. Each tries to distinguish herself; they are
all a mass of charms ; each has the same object to accomphsh. One
has never seen elsewhere to what lengths the resources of the intellect
can go with young women who want to seduce a man they love
through vanity, and especially by natural inclination. The grace of the
dance, the melody of the voice, the harmony of the music, the elegance
of the dresses, the wit of the conversation, the ecstasies, the effeminacy,
and love — the most voluptuous, I may add, that the cleverest coquetry
has invented — all unite in this delightful spot under the eyes of the
Sultan.

The Kiahia Caden finally presents to him the girl that most takes his
fancy. No pains have been spared to ensure her success. She hastens
to exhibit every pleasing talent she possesses. The handkerchief that
he throws to her signifies his wish to be alone with her.

The curtain which covers the sofa on which he is sitting is made to
fall. The Keslar Aga remains to pull it aside again at the first signal,
and the other women, who have scattered here and there, all occupied
— some with dancing, others with singing, these with playing on their
instruments, and those with partaking of refreshments — all come to
the kiosque in a moment to pay their respects to the Sultan and
congratulate the new favourite. The fete continues some time longer,
and terminates by the distribution which the Keslar Aga makes of
jewels, stuffs, and trinkets, following the wishes of his master. The
presents are proportional to the pleasure received. But Mahamout

259

THE HAREM

always saw to it that they were of sufficient value for the girls to return
to the Karem with an air of gratitude and contentment.

The Sultan's evening is spent in receiving the comphments of the
chief officers of the Court and all the Grandees of the Empire. Each
arranges himself in the room according to his rank, and the entire
Serail is illuminated.^

As Flachat got most of his information direct from his friend the
Kislar Agha we can conclude that the account is reliable, and if so this
is further evidence of the existence of the custom of ' throwing the
handkerchief in the selecting of a concubine.

Passing out of the garden through the Third Gate, the visitor will
soon find himself opposite the Goths' Column, which stands there
as if to remind him of the ancient glories of this unsurpassable
promontory.

' Observations sur le commerce, vol. ii, pp. 20-24.

260

\ ! I

INDEX

'AbbasId dynasty of Baghdad, 245 «., 247

Abd es-Selam, Defterdar, 62

Abd ul-Aziz, 211

Abd ul-Hamid I, 63, 153 n., 194

Abd ul-Hamid II, 19, 20, 21, 72, 135, 243

Abd ul-Mejid, 81, 131, 233, 243, 244

Abd ur-Rahman Shirif Efendi, 51-52, 71

Abdul Medjid PaviHon, terrace of, 22

Ablution fountains, 112, 119

Abu Bekr, 246

Abyssinia, eunuchs from, 139

Admiral-in-Chief (High Admiral), 107,

108
Adrianople, 42, 57, 124, 134, 226, 228, 238,

239, 240
i^sculapius and Hygieia, Temple of, Brusa,

227
Agalari, the, fish available for, 116
Agathius, bath described by, 213
Agha of the Janissaries, the (Chorbaji-bashi),

Head Soup-distributor, 91, 92, 94, 95
Aghas — see Eunuchs, white
Ahmed I, 37, 38-39, 66, 69, 86, 187, 195,

207, 235, 239
Ahmed III, 17, 63, 93, 94, 95, I95, 196,

233, 253, 256, 258
Ahmed Rasim, on rooms in the selamlik,

201
Ajem-oghlans — see Apprentice janissaries
Aka^alar Kapisi — see Gate of the White

Eunuchs
Akhor Kapi — see Gate of the Stables
Alai, or Procession, Kiosk, the, 59, 72-74
Albania, janissaries recruited from, 90
Alhambra, the, designs in, similar to those

in the SeragUo, 123, 124, 129
Ah, 246
Amasia, 88
Ambassadors, reception of, loi, 103, 106,

107-108
Ammianus Marcellinus, on castration, 135
Anastasius, 56
AnatoHa, 21, 253
Angiolello, cited, 19, 237
Antery [entari, entary), a woman's garment,

169

Antonina — see Byzantium
Apollo, Temple of, at Delphi, 55 n.
Apprentice janissaries {Ajem-oghlans), 33,

62, 90, 115, 133, 233
Araba Kapisi — see Gate, Carriage
Arabian Nights, The (Galland), 13, 21, 75,

145, 148, 150, 184
Arabic style of decoration, 23
Aramon, Gabriel d', 27
Arcadius, 56, 69, 138, 214
Archangel Michael, Church of, 69
Archery ground [Ok-meidan), 39, 69
Armenia, slaves procured from, 122
Armenian art, 124
Armenians, the, experts in braiding, 170 ;

turban {talpock) worn by, 171
Arms Museum {Sildh Miizesi), 17, 24, 84,

98 «., 108, no
Artemis, Ephesian, eunuch priest of, 136
Arzodasi — see Throne Room
A^gi-bashi (Chief Cook), 91, 114
Assistant Chief Gatekeeper of the Apart-
ments {Yailak-Bash-Kapi-Oghlan), 132
Assistant Director of the Pages' School

{Sarai Aghasi), 240
Assyria, eunuchs in, 135, 137, 141
Atargatis, eunuch priest of, 136
Atatiirk (Mustafa Kemal), 152
Athanasius, on chastity, 136
Athenians, the, and relief of Byzantium, 55
Audience Chamber, or Throne Room — see

Throne Room

Bab-el-Selam (Gate of Salutation, Central

Gate) — see Gate, Central
Bab-i-Humayun — see SubUme Porte
Bab-i-Sa'adet — see Gate of FeUcity
Babylon, use of eunuchs by Cyrus on

capture of, 137
Badoaro, on Hall of the Pantry, 244
Baedeker, plans of the Courts in the

Seragho used by, 51
Baghdad, Cahphate passes to, 247
Baghdad Kiosk, 22, 24, 28, 34, 39, 41, 51,

123, 195, 200, 201, 252, 253, 254-255
Bairakdar Pasha, 93, 199

261

THE HAREM

Ba'iram, and Kurhan Bairam, j6 and «., 94,

loi, 162
Bajazet — see Bayezid
Bakeries, on Seraglio Hill, 15, 66, 83
Balata, Jewish quarter of Constantinople,

127
Balik Hane Kapi (Gate of the Fish-house),

59, 70
Bahajilers — see Halberdiers
Banat Suad, poem by Zuhayr, 247
Barozzi, N., 35
Barton, Edward, Ambassador to the Porte,

Baserguian hachi (First Merchant of the
Grand Signor), Flachat made, 44

Bash-Kapi-Oghlan (Chief Gatekeeper of
the Apartments), 132

Bash-Mussahib {liaison officer between
Sultan and Kislar Agha), 132

Basil I, 68 ; New Church of, 69

Ba^kadin ve Kadinlar Dairesi (suite of the
Chief and other Kadins), 159-160

Baskets {sepet), made in the Seraglio, 77

Bastinado, the, 83, 241

Bastinado boards, 127

Bath, Baths : of Achilles, 214; of Anas-
tasia, 214; of Arcadius, 69, 214; of
Bejir Aga, 109, 204; of Blachermas,
214; Bride's, 223-224; at Brusa, 80,
225 et seq. ; Byzantine, 212 et seq. ; of
Carosia, 214; of Constantine, 213, 214;
in Constantinople, 56, 213 et seq.; of
Didymum, 214; of Diocletian, 215;
Great, 208 ; of the Infirmary, 204 ; of
Murad III, 207 ; of the Princes, 48; pubUc,
203, 212; Roman, 214, 215; Royal, 153,
154, 194, 203, 205, 210, 211-212 ; of Rus-
tem Pasha, 226, 229 ; of SeUm II, 207-
208,237, 240,241 ; in the Seragho, 48, 65,
109, no, 112, 124, 155, 203 et seq.; of
the Sultanas, 203, 205, 207; Sultans'
{Hiinkdr Hamami), 205 ; Turkish, 212-
213 ; women's, 48, 212, 220 et seq., 229;
of Zeuxippus, 213. See also Hamams

Bathrooms, 211 ; Sultan's, 124, 153 «., 160

Battery, the, on coast facing Galata, 78

Baudier, Michel, on the Seragho, 37

Baukunst Konstantinopels, Die (Gurlitt), 51,
78-79

Bayezid I, 14, 57, 228

Bayezid II, 28, 59, 115 «., 243

Bazerkian-bashi (purveyor of cloths, linens,
muslins, etc.), 130

Beard of the Prophet (Sakal), 245, 250
Bearer of the Royal Robes [Chokadar), 96
Bedr, battle of, 250
Bedroom [yatakodasi): of the Sultan Valide,

159 ; of Murad III, 25 ; of the Sultan, 38-

39 ; of Abd ul-Hamid I, 194
Bedroom ritual of Sultan and concubine,

179-180
Bektashi dervishes, 91
Belgrade, Forest of, wood for the Seraglio

from, 78
Benedict XIV, Pope, castration of boys

condemned by, 136
Berchet, G., 35
Beshiktash, Palace of, on Lower Bos-

phorus, 48, 65
Be§ir Aga, Chief Eunuch, 109, 204
Beuyiik Kiikiirtlu, sulphur baths, 229
Beylerbey, Palace of, 211
Bezestan (or market house), the, 165
Bijapur, hairs from Prophet's beard in, 245
Bin Bir Direk (Cistern of looi Columns),

123
Black Sea, 115
Black Sea Canal, 61. See also Bosphorus,

the
Black Sea forests, wood for the Seraglio

from, 116
Boathouses, 77, 78
Bobovi, Albert, on the Palace School, 237,

244, 248
Bon, Ottaviano, cited, 29, 34 et seq.,

84, 86, 100, 103, 104, 118, 128, 133, 181-

183, 200, 233
Boots, female, 164, 171
Borak, the Prophet's horse, 250
Bosfor Sultan, First Kadin, 175, 176
Bosnia, janissaries recruited from, 90
Bosphorus, the, 19, 24, 40, 48, 57, 62, 93,

94, 109, 125, 156, 159, 163, 184, 185-186,

195, 211, 252
Bostanji (gardeners), 61-62
Bostanji Kapi — see Gate of the Gardeners
Bostanji-bashi — see Gardener, Head
Bowstring, the, 198, 199
Braziers, in, 183, 202
Brocquiere, Bertrandon de la, on the jan-
issaries, 89
Brusa, 57, 86, 122, 124, 166, 169, 170, 238;

hot baths of, 80, 225 et seq. ; tiles, 79-80,

226
Buffoons, 38, 116, 199
"Bukhayt, the First Eunuch, Tale of," 148

262

INDEX

Bulgaria, janissaries recruited from, 90

Buraydat, 248

Burghley, William Cecil, Lord, 32

Burko (veil, outdoor), 172

Burton, Sir Richard, cited, 142, 148, 149,

219
Buskins, female, 167
Butter, from Moldavia, 115
Biiyuk Akhor (Great Stables), 72, 109
Buyiik Oda or Yeni Oda — see Great

Chamber
Byzantine art, 123, 124
Byzantine costume, 162
Byzantine Empire, end of, 56
Byzantine times, eunuchs in, 134
Byzantium, 54, 55, 56, 58
Byzas, 54, 55

Cad\ leschieri (Kaziaskers) of Greece and

Natolia, 104, 105, 106
Cadines, 20. See also Kadins
^adir (Tent Kiosk), formerly in the Fourth

Court, 257
CafFa, supply of butter from, 115
Caftan — see under Robes, female
Cage, the — see Princes' Prison
Caiques, 62, 77
Cairo, 140, 245, 246, 247
Cab'co and linen, painted, 43, 77
Calidarium, the, of the baths, 206
Caliphs, the, 245 and n.
Candia, Bon's post at, 37; honey from, 115
Canea, Turkish fleet sails to, 191
Cannon Gate {Topkapi), 17, 50, 60, 65, 70,

74.78
Canopy on columns {Iftariye), near Bagh-
dad Kiosk, 98, 99-100, 255, 256
Caparisons, in the Seraglio stables, 31,

109-110
Capidgi-Bachi (chamberlains), 107
Capigiler Chiaiasi (Grand Chamberlain),

106
Capigis (guards), 61. See also Gatekeepers
Capitulations, the, 31
Caps, female, 167
Captain of the Halberdiers, 1 1 1
Caramussali (Turkish merchantmen), 116
'Caravanserai,' meaning of, 16
Carbognano, Comidas de, on the kiosks on

Seraglio Hill, 74, 76, 77
Carriage Gate (Araba Kapisi), 125, 154
Carriers of water on horseback [Sakkas),

115

Carvers (Cecigners), 114

Cas-Odales, room of, 46. See also Has Oda

Casacche [casaca, female cloaks), 163 and n.

Casacchino (lady's cape), 163 n.

Cascade fountain, in Sultan's bath, 206; in

the Arzodasi, 233
Casnh — see Treasury
Cassachi Sultan (Queen Sultana), 182
Castellane, Comte de, 45
Castrati, 136, 142

Castration, 121, 135 et seq., 140 et seq.
Catherine de' Medici, in correspondence

with the harem, 187
Cats, eunuchs' love of, 145
Caucasia, supply of slaves from, 122
Cazeta (female cloak), 163 n.
Cecigners (Carvers), 114
Qedik or tchelik (sUpper-boot), 171
Celldt Odasi (Room of the Executioner), 99
Central Gate — see Gate, Central
Ceremonies, La.v/ o£ {Kanuni Teshrifat), 162
Cervosa (herb-beer), 164
^e^meli Sofa (Vestibule of the Fountain),

159, 193
Chadir-Mihter-bashi (chief official in charge

of Tents and Pavilions), 130
Chalcedon (Kadikeuy), early colony at, 54
Chalcondyles, on the janissaries, 89
Chamber, chambers [oda, odas), 91 «., 237.

See also Hall
Chamber of the Barbers, 209
Chamber of Campaign (Sejerli Oda), 121,

240
Chamber of the Chief Physician {Hekimba^i

Odasi), 256, 257
Chamber of the Divan, 107
Chamber of the Holy Mantle — see Pavilion

of the Holy Mantle
Chamber (Oda) of the Pages, 33
Chamber of the Pantry [Kiler Oda), 239,

244
Chamber of Presentation, or Throne Room

(Arzodasi) — see Throne Room
Chamber of Robes Kiosk (Esvap Odasi),

257-258
Chamber of the Treasury [Hazine Oda),

officer of (Hazinedar-bashi), 120, 239
Chamberlain, apartments of, 129
Chamberlains [Capidgi-Bachi), 107
Chardin, Sir John, and the SeragUo, 29,

146
Chasnadar-bachi (or Hazinedar), 249
Chasnijir-bashi (Chief Taster), 114

263

THE HAREM

Chasnijirs (Tasters), 114

* Chastity curls,' no

Chaush-lmshi (Grand Master of Petitions),

Chekirge Mosque, Brusa, 80
Chekirge village, 228, 229
Chemises, women's, 164-165, 168-169
Chiai^, the Head Gardener friend of Bon,

37, 38
Chiarezza, the Jewess, 187
Chiaus Pasha (Chief of the Ushers), 104,

106
Chiausi, the (Ushers), 104
Chibouques (ladies' pipes), used in baths,

223
Chief Confectioner {Helvaji-bashi), 81, 114
Chief Cook {A^gi-bashi), 91, 114
Chief Executioner, 71, 83
Chief Gatekeeper, 99; of the Apartments,

132
Chief of the Girls — see Eunuch, Chief

Black
Chief Interpreter of the Porte, 107, 108
Chief Laundress, 155
Chief Musician, no
Chief official in charge of tents and

paviHons of the Sultan {Chadir-Mihter-

bashi), 130
Chief Overseer of the Great Bath {Hamangi-

bachi), 208
Chief page, 121
Chief Physician, 133
Chief of the Standard {Mir-Alem), 108
Chief Taster [Chasnijir-bashi), 114
Chief of the Ushers {Chiaus Pasha), 104,

106
Chilier, the (Store), 83, 86
Chimneys, 114, 160
China, 30, 56, 138, 139, 180
Chinese porcelain, collections of {^ini

Hazirtesi), 242-243
ChiniU or Tile Kiosk, 50, 51, 78, 79, 80, 160
Chinili Mosque, at Isnik, 80
Chishull, Rev. Edmund, on the Seraglio,

39 et seq., 46, 73
Chnct (henna), 164 and n.
Choiseul-Gouffier, Comte de, engravings

of, 74
Chokadar (Bearer of the Royal Robes), 96
Chorbaji-bashi (Head Soup-distributor),

Agha of Janissaries, 91
Christian asceticism, 136, 142
Chukur Hatnami (Sunken Bath), 214

Chussech {kuiak) (girdle), 171

Chussech (scarves), 165

^ini Hazinesi (Chinese porcelain), 242-243

Cippico, — , on the janissaries, 89

Circassia, slaves from, 122

Circassians, 20, 21, 122

Cistern of looi Columns {Bin Bir Direk),

123
Cisterns, 99, 124
Cisterns of Arcadius, 214
Claudian, attacks of, on etmuchs, 138
Claudius Gothicus, 55
Clement of Alexandria, on chastity, 136
Cloaks, women's : Casacche or Casacca,

163 and n. ; Dullimano, 164
Clocks, 42, 43, 47, 193
Cloth, painted, 64
Coats, female, 167 and n.
Coats, soldiers' (mandiHons), 167 and n.
Coffee-rooms, in, 112, 157
Colonnades, 99, loi, 118
Commander of the Chamberlains {Mir-
Alem), 108
Concubines, 20, 178 et seq. ; bedroom ritual

of Sultan for, 179-180
Confectioners, 113
Confectioners' mosque, 119
Constantine Dragases, Emperor, 56
Constantine the Great, 56, 59, 67, 69, 138,

236
Constantine IX Monomacus, and the

Byzantine Mangana buildings, 67
Constantine Porphyrogenitus, and the hot

springs at Brusa, 227
Constantinople (Istanbul), 17, 19, 31, 40,

42, 44, 51, 56, 57, 58, 63, 79, 91, 109, 112,

122, 123, 124, 134, 162, 165, 213 et seq.,

228, 235, 246, 248
Constantius and the Yah Kiosk, 76
Constantius, Emperor, building of New

Rome completed by, 56; power of

eunuchs over, 138
Consultation Place of the Jinn {Jin

Mii^averet Mahalle), 197, 200
Controller of the kitchen staff {Kilerji-

bashi), 120
Controller of a prince's household {Lata

Pasha), 128
Cooking in the liar em, 183
Corone, oil for Seragho from, 115
Corps of regular soldiers {eshkenji), 93
Corridors: of the Bath {Hamam Yolu), 153

and «., 193, 194, 205, 207; of the Black

264

INDEX

Eunuchs, 48 ; of the Consultation Place
of the Jinn [JinMii^averet Mahalle), 197,
200; enclosed colonnade, 126-127; of
the Hearth [Ocakli Sofa), 193 ; of the
kitchens, 112. See also Golden Road

Costume, female, 21, 161, 162 et seq.;
male, 27, 50, 86, 88, 91, 95, lOi, 106,
107, no, 120, 121, 130-131 and n., 133,
161-162, 167, 171 «., 183-184, 189, 215

Council of State, 100, 102, 103 et seq.

Court ceremonial, 98, loi

Court of Ceremonial — see Second Court

Court of the Divan — see Second Court

Court of the Fountain, no, in

Court of the Janissaries — see First Court

Court officials, places of, during an audi-
ence, 107-108

Courts in the SeragUo, 18, 47. See also
under the names of the Courts

Courtyard of the harem girls, 24

Covel, Dr John, cited, 185

Cradle, royal {Murassa altin beiik), in the
Museum, 156

Critoboulus, manuscript of, in SeragUo
Ubrary, 235

Crusaders, capture of Nicasa by, 227

Cufic inscriptions as decorations, 126, 129,
160, 193, 196, 255

Cumlekapisi (main door o{ harem), 154

Cupbearer [Sharabdar), the, 96

Cupolas, 113. See also Domes

Curdee (Uned robe), 168

Cybele-Attis cult, 136

Cyprus, henna from, 164 n.

Cyrus, employment of eunuchs by, 137-
138

Dallam, Thomas, cited, 31 ef seq., 166-

167, 200, 201
Damascus, holy reUcs at, 246, 248
Dancers and dances in the harem, 184
Dandolo, Doge of Venice, 56
David, Sir Percival, 242, 243
D'Ohsson, Ignace Mouradja, cited, 74, 114,

130, 132, 179
Deaf-mutes, 30, 50, 116, 197, 198, 199
Deer in tiling, design of, unique, 202
Defter dari, the, 104, 105, 106, 116
Defterhane (Registry), loi
De^irmen Kapi — see Gate of the Mill
della Valle, Pietro, 29
Delphi, oracle of, 54; temple of Apollo at,

55 «•

Demir Kapi — see Iron Gate

Depilatory, the, 163, 164, 217, 219, 220, 224

Depository of Archives of Finance, officer

in charge of (Hazinedar-bashi), 130
Depository of the Sultan's Seals {Has Oda-

bashi), 120, 121
Des Hayes, Louis, on the SeragUo kitchens,

113

Dgebedgiler-Kieuchk (Kiosk of the Basket-
makers), 77-78

Dhil-l-hijja, date of Kurban Bairam, 76 n.

Dining-room (yemek odasi) : of the Sultan
VaUde, 159; of Ahmed III, 196

Divan, the, 38, 49, 51, 101-102, 104, 107,
108, 109, 113, 125, 191. See also Public
Divan

Divan Tower, 102, 103, no, 126; roofs
and views seen from, 24-25

Dizlik, dyslik (short drawers), 169

Djevher Agha, eunuch, 135

Doctors, Seraglio, 133, 149

Dolapli Kubbe (Domed Anteroom with
Cupboards), 125, 126

Dolma Baghtche, 48, 211

Domed Anteroom with Cupboards [Dol-
apli Kubbe), 125, 126

Domes, 46, loi, 108, 114, 193, 200, 208,
216, 250

Domitian, laws of, against castration, 134,

138, 147
Doors, 125, 129, 160 ; iron, 97 ; main

harem [ciimlekapisi), 125, 154; double,

126, 150
Doorway, bricked up, in outer SeragUo

waU, 200-201
Dormitories, 112, 119, 127; with gaUery,

no, in, 112
Dowa (depilatory paste), 219. See also

Depilatory
Drawers, short {Dizlik), 169. See also

Trousers
Dressing-room of bath of SeUm II, 208
'Dropping the handkerchief,' 179, 180,

181, 259, 260
Du Camp, Maxime, cited, 50
Du Loir, — , cited, 62, 73
Ducas, — , cited, 89
Dullimano (female cloak), 164
Dungeons, 99
Dwarfs, 30, 119

Eastern Gate (Gate of St Demetrius, Porta
de isole), 61

265

THE HAREM

Egypt, 134, 190

Elizabeth, Queen, and trade with Turkey,
31. 32 .

Emanat Hazinesi — see Treasury Deposit

Ensle, Jacob, gardener of the Summer
Palace, 63

Ephesus, 40, 147

Eshkenji (corps of regular soldiers), 93

Eski Kaplija, 228, 229

Eski Serai — see Old Serai

Esvap Odasi (Chamber of Robes Kiosk),
257-258

Et-meidan Square, the, 55 «., 94

Eunuch, Chief Black {Kislar Agha), 24,
46, 47, 57, 96, 108, 120, 125, 128 et seq.,
133, 161, 165, 177, 178, 185, 186, 189-191,
225, 249, 259, 260

Eunuch, Chief White {Kapi Agha), 50, 73,
85, 108, 113, 118, 120, 129, 130, 133 ;
one in charge of the Treasury [Hazinedar-
bashi), 120

Eunuch of the Second Gate {Ikinji-Kapi-
oghlan)y 240

Eunuchs, 134 et seq., 140 et seq. ; black, 24,
43, 46, 47, 48, 65, 119, 122, 125 et seq.,
132, 133, 139, 149, 152-153 and «., 154,
176 {see also Eunuch, Chief Black);
white, 85, 107, no, 117, 118 et seq.,
121, 129, 133, 139, 149, 239, 241 {see also
Eunuch, Chief White) ; Aga, 118; re-
ligious, 13s et seq., 142 ; Chinese, 139,
143, 145, 149-150; bibliography of,
150-151

Eunuchs' Mosque, the, 126

Eutrqpius, eunuch, 138

Evhyd Efendi, cited, 89, 116-117, 210, 214

Bx-kadins, marriage of, 184

' Example stones,' 83

Executioners, corps furnishing {Veznedars),
130

Executions, 71

Eye-black {kofjl, kajal, etc.), 164 n.

Eyebrows, meeting of, 164

Eyyub mosque, 126

Faience, 126, 226. See also Tiles

FarineUi, male soprano, 136

Favourites of the Sultan {Ikbals), 175

Fazil, 225

Ferace,feridje,ferigee (outer robe), 172, 173

Fetvas (spiritual sanction), 94, 192

Fig-trees, in

First Court (Court of the Janissaries), 18,

42, 50, 57, 59, 66, 78, 82 et seq., 131,

161, 204, 245
First Merchant of the Grand Signor {Baser-

guian bachi), Flachat created, 44
Fish-pond, near Baghdad Kiosk, 33, 34,

41, 201
Flachat, Jean-Claude, cited, 44 et seq., 117,

200, 225, 258-260
Flour-miUs on Seraglio Hill, 15
Food, suppUes of, in the Seraglio, 115 etseq.
Food-porters, 112
Footprints of the Prophet, 246, 250
Forum of Taurus, or Theodosius, 58
Fossati, Gaspard, painting by, 82, 84
Fotaza (female indoor headdress), 171-172
Fountain of Ahmed III, 94, 95
Fountain of Execution, the, 83
Fountains, 38, 43, 46, 83, 94, 100, 112, 119,

126, 155, 157, 204, 215, 233, 256. See

also Wall fountams
Fourth Court {Dordiincii Avlu), 46, 49, 51,

82, 153, 251, 252 et seq.
Fourth Crusade, the, Constantinople taken

in, 56
Fourth Hill, mosque of Muhammad II on,

213 ; Baths of Constantine on, 214
French style decorations in the Seraglio, 45,

102, 128, 152-153, 194. 195
Fur peHsse {kurk), 171

Gainsford, Thomas, 29

Galata, 73, 74, 239, 240

Galata Bridge, 135

Galland, Antoine, 13, 75

Gallery, apartment of female slaves ("Log.
des Odalisques"), 65 ; between Chamber
of Divan and Gate of the Throne, 107

Gardener, Head {Bostanji-bashi), 33, 40, 62,
63, 116, 259; as executioner, 71

Gardeners {Bostanji), 61,62

Gardens, 30, 33, 40, 46, 50, 63, 72, 74, ii6,
156, 194, 195, 252 et seq.

Gate: of the Aviary {Kufhatte Kapisi), 154,
192; Carriage {Araba Kapisi), 125, 154;
Central {Bab-el-Seldm, Ortakapi, Gate of
First Court, Gate of Salutation), 18, 50,61,
74, 83, 84, 85, 97-98, 99, 107, 118, 130;
of the Cool Fountain, or Fountain of
Cold Water {Soguk <^e}me Kapi), 60, 72,
74, 78; of the Dead {Meyyit Kapi), 109;
exit, from selamlik, 201 ; of Felicity
{Bab-i-Saadet), 18, 40, 49, 51, 103, 104,
107, 117 et seq., 233; of the Fish-house

266

INDEX

(Balik Hane Kapi), 59, 70; of the Foun-
tain {^adirvan Kapisi), 251; of the
Gardeners {Bostanji Kapi), 61, 74; of the
Grand Vizir SokolU, 74; of the Mill
{Degirmen Kapi), 63, 66, 86; of St
Barbara, 67 ; of St Demetrius, 61 ; of
Salutation — see Gate, Central; of the
Second Court, 18; of the Stables [Akhor
Kapi), 59, 60, 71, 95 ; of Sultan Sulei-
man, 74 ; Third (Ugiincii Kapi), 49, 55,
257, 260; of the Throne {Bab-el-Saadet),
107 ; of the Throne {Taht Kapisi), 160 ; of
the White Eunuchs {Aka^alar Kapisi), 117

Gatekeeper-in-Chief (Kapi Agha), 120

Gatekeepers [Kapici), 32, 82, 96, 98

Gates to the harem, 56, 64, 154

Gazebos [sacnissis), 47, 72

Georgia, supply of slaves from, 122

Geuffroy, Antoine, cited, 237

Gezilen Verier (parts of the Seraglio open to
the pubhc), 22

Gezilmiyen Verier (parts of the Seraglio not
open to the public), 22

Gibbon, Edward, on the reign of eunuchs,
138

GOles, Pierre, cited, 60, 99, 213, 214

" Girding of the Sword " ceremony, 194

Girdle, female (ku^ak), 168, 171

Girgenti, Greek temples at, 54

Golden Gate, the, 64

Golden Horn, the, 24, 55, 58, 60, 62, 69,
72, 73, 74, 127, 195

Golden Road, the, 29, 40, 42, 125, 129, 154,
159, 160, 161, 193, 197, 200, 201

Gomlek, giumlik — see Chemises

Goths' Column, the, 40, 43, 55, 66, 201,
260

Gown [caftan, antery), 167, 169 et seq.

Granada, Alhambra at, 123, 124, 129

Grand Chamberlain (Kapijilar-Kiayasi), 106

Grand Chancellor (Nisangl Pasha), 104, 105

Grand Master of the Ceremonies, 107

Grand Master of the Knights of St John,
190

Grand Master of Petitions [Chaush-bashi],

99
Grand Pasha, 115
Grand Seigneur — see Sultan
Grand Seraglio, the [Veni Serai), 17, 58
Grand Treasurer (Hazinedar Agha), 132 ;

deputy of [Hazine-Vekil), 132
Grand Vizir, 14, 72, 84, 96, loi, 102, 104 et

seq., 129, 191, 201

Great Chamber [Btiyiik Oda or Veni Oda),
239-240, 241

♦' Great house " in the SeragUo, 33-34

Great and Little Halls of the Palace School,
117

Great and Little Halls of the Seraglio, 239

Great Stables {Btiyiik Akhor), 72, 109;
Sultan's privy stables, 109

Greaves, John, 35, 36

Greece, 86, 104, 105, 115, 138

Greek colonists, 54

Greek Empire, the, 3 1

Greeks, Byzantine, 134, 135, 227

Green Mosque [Ve^il Cami), 80, 226

Green Tiirbeh of Muhammad I, 80

Gregory of Nyssa, on chastity, 136

Grelot, G.-J., cited, 29, 61, 63, 73, 75,
76-77

Grimaldi, male soprano, 136

Grimstone, Edward, 29, 37

Grosvenor, E. A., cited, 77

Guard-room (Nobetyeri), 99, 129, 154, 161

Gulhane Kapi or Kara Kapi, the, 59, 72

Gtilhane Kapi (hospital), 59

Gulhane Kiosk, 78, 81

Gulistdn (Sadi), 235

Gumtis ve Billur Salonu (silver and glass col-
lection), 208, 242

Gurlitt, Professor C, cited 51, 62, 78

Guzdeh (' in the eye '), 178

Gyllius — see Gilles, Pierre

Hair, female, dyeing and arrangement of,

164
Haji Bektash, dervish, 88, 89, 90
Haji Salih Pasha, Grand Vizir, 71
Halberdiers of the Outer Service {Bal-

tajilers), 95, iio-iii, 125, 126, 131, 204
Halil Edhem, on the new library of the

Seraglio, 236
Hall of the Ambassadors, Alhambra,

Granada, 193
Hall of Campaign [Seferli Kogu^u), 121,

207, 240, 242
Hall of Circumcision [Stinnet Odasi), 24,

34, 41, 193, 201, 251, 253, 255
Hall of the Divan (Kubbealti), 24, 100, lOi,

102, 108, 126, 152, 154
Hall of the harem, 43

Hall of the Pantry {Kiler Ko^u^u), 244, 252
Hall of Pillars, 161,256
Hall of the Royal Chamber [Hasodalilar
Koguiu), 24, 244

267

THE HAREM

Hall of the Treasury {Hazine Kogu^u), 244

Hamam Yolu — see Corridor of the Bath

Hamams, 155, 157. See also Bath

Hamangibachi (Chief Overseer of the Great
Bath), 208

Handkerchief [metidil or ya^lik), 180

Harbome, WilUam, Ambassador to the
Porte, 31-32

Harem, Imperial, 13 et seq., 20-21, 21-22,
23 etseq., 28, 38, 40, 41, 42-43. 44, 46-48,
51, 64, 81, loi, 108, no, 119, 129, 132,
137, 140, 148, 150, i$2etseq., 161, 163, 174
et seq., 185, 193 et seq., 206 et seq. ; Trea-
surer of [Hazinedar Usta), 24, 177; girls
of, 24, 125, 152, 156, 166, 177, 203 et
alibi; gates of, 56, 64, 154; slaves in, 123,
154-155; ladies of, 125, 154, 163 etseq.;
personnel of, 154-155, 174-175, 176 et
seq. ; wall of, 154; mosques in, 161, 176,
236; women of, drowned in sacks, 185-
186, 197; intrigues in, and end of, 185-
186

Harem of the imprisoned princes, 197

Haremlik, meaning of, 15-16

Ifaremlik and selamlik, meeting-place of,
205

Harness, jewelled, of the SeragUo, 31, 109-
iio

Harun-al-Rashid, 184

Harvey, Mrs, on Turkish baths, 223

Has Oda, various meanings of, 46, 120, 239,
249

Has Oda-bashi (Depositary of the Sultan's
Seals), 120, 121

Has Odasi, 251

Hasinedar-bashi — see Treasury, White Eu-
nuch in charge of

Hasluck, F. W., on the janissaries, 89

Hasodalilar Ko^u^u (HaU of the Royal
Chamber), 24, 244

Hassan Pasha's Kiosk, 64

Hasseky, tiling in madraseh of, 80

Hastalar Kapi (Hospital Gate), 66

Hatijeh Sultan, 153

Hats, 88, 95, no, 130

Hatti Sherif, the, 81

Havuz (water garden), 256

Hazine — see Treasury

Hazine-Vekil (deputy Grand Treasurer),
132

Hazinedar Agha (Grand Treasurer), 132

Hazinedar Usta (Treasurer of the barem),
24. 177

Hazinedar-bashi — see Treasurer
Head Cook (A^gi-bashi), 91, 114
Head Gardener — 5ee Gardener, Head
Head Nurse, 24, 155, 156, 157, 158
Head Soup-distributor (Cliorbaji-bashi), 91
Head of the Virgins {Kislar Agha), 133
Head Water-carrier (Sakka-bashi), 91
Headdresses and head-coverings, female,

164, 165, 167, 168, 171, 172; male, 96.

5ee also Hats, Turbans
Heads, severed, exposed, 82, 98, 99
Hekimba^i Odasi (Chamber of the Chief

Physician), 256, 257
Helvaji-bashi (Chief Confectioner), 8i, 114
Henna {Chnh), 164 and n.
Herb-beer [Cervosa), 164
Hermotimus the Pedasian, 147
Herodotus, on castration, 138, 147
Heshtebesht Palace, Tabriz, 243
Hierosohmitano, Domenico, description

of the Seraglio by, 19, 34, 235
Hippodrome, the, or Et-meidan Square, 55

and n., 70, 94, 213
Hirka ^erif—see Holy Mantle
Hirkai §erif Odasi — see Pavihon of the Holy

Mantle
Hobson, R. L., cited, 242
Holy Aposdes, Church of, 214
Holy Mande {Hirka §erif), 34, 246 et seq.
Holy Mande, Chamber or Pavihon of— 5ee

Pavihon of the Holy Mantle
Homosexuahty, female, 148, 220; male,

241
Honey, 115
Horse fountain, 83
Horsehair face-screen, woman's, 172
Hospital Gate [Hastalar Kapi), 66
Hospital for girls, 24, 28
Hospitals, 15, 59, 66, 84, 85, 156, 157 et

seq., 205, 245
House of Fehcity, 18, 193
House of Slaughter, the {Kafes or Princes*

Prison), 33, 34
House slippers (^(pj(p, tchipship), 171
Hulaku, Khan of the Mongols, 246 n.
Hungary, honey from, 115; Sacred Stand-
ard sent to, 248
Hiinkdr Hamami (Sultan's Bath), 205
Hiinkdr Sofasi — ^ee Royal Saloon
Hurufi sect, the, 90

Ibn Batuta, cited, 89
Ibrahim, Grand Vizir, 74, 175

268

INDEX

Ibrahim, Sultan, 77-78, 186, 188-189, ipo.

191, 198-199, 201, 240, 255, 258
Ibrahim Pasha, 240
Ig-oghlans — see Pages
Ice-supply for the Seraglio, 117
Ighazine (Imier Treasury), 24, 108
Iftariye — see Canopy on Columns
Ikbals (Favourites of the Sultan), 175
Ikinji-Kapi-oghlan (Eimuch of the Second

Gate), 240
Imam of the Sultan VaHde, 132
Imperial Arsenal Buildings (Mangana), 66,

67
Imperial Gate {Bab-i-Hamayun) — see Sub-

hme Porte
Imperial Mint, the, 31, 83, 87
Infirmary, the, 83, 85, 121, 204
Injili Ko^kti — see Kiosk of Pearls
Inner Chamber {Has Oda), 121
Inner courtyard to the harem, 6$
Inner Service, the, 97, 100, 119, 120, 204
Iimer Treasury {Ighazine), 24, 108
Inner Treasury (Khazaneh Khds), 210
Inner Wall, the, 97, 109
Inspector of the Pubhc Treasury [Veznedar-

hashi), 130
Inspector of the vakfs [Nazir), 129
lonians, castrated by Persians, 138
Iron Gate [Demir Kapi, Bostanji Kapi, Gate

of the Gardeners), 67, 68, 74
Isaac II Angelus, Emperor, and the Mangana

buildings, 68
Islamic Creed, the, 98 and n.
Isnik, tiling at Chinili mosque at, 80
Istanbul — see Constantinople

Janissaries, the, 14, 33, 40, 57, 62, 70, 73,

78, 83, 86, 88 et seci., loi, 103, 107, 108,

118, 187, 188, 199, 237-238
Javelins, used in game o£ jerld, 69
Jertd, playing field, 69-70
Jewels, loi, 107, 177, 183 et alibi; in female

attire, 167 et seq.
Jinn, the consultation place of (Jin Mu§-

averet Mahalle), 197, 200
Justinian, 56, 59, 70, 213, 227, 228, 229
Juvenal, on castration, 148

Ka'aba, the, at Mecca, 250 ; key of, 249

Ka'b ibn Zuhayr, 246-247

Kadinlar Sultanati (Reign of Women),

186
Kadins (Cadines or Sultanas), 20, 87, 113,

152, 154, 158, 159-160, 161, 171, 172,

175, 176, 177, 178 etseq. ; First or Chief,

65, 174, 186-187
Kafes — see Princes' Prison
Kalpak — see Talpock
Kalvet (state of complete privacy), 259
Kanuni Teshrifat (Law of Ceremonies),

162
Kapi Agha — see Eunuch, Chief White
Kapiagasi Dairesi, suite of Chief White

Eunuch, 118
Kapici — see Gatekeepers
Kapijilar-Kiayasi (Grand Chamberlain), 106
Kara Kapi or Giilhane Kapi, the, 59
Kara-Mustafa, Grand Vizir, 188, 229
Karaman, the Prince of, 228
Kazi-Koi, 210

Kaziaskers — see Cad] leschieri
Keeper of the Baths, 177
Keeper of the Jewels, 177
Keeper of the Lingerie, 179
Keeper of the Presents [Peshkeshji-bashi),

130
Keeper of the Sherbets, 132
Keeper of the Storerooms, 177
Ketkhuda or Kiaya (Lady Controller), 177
Kettles of the Janissaries [Kazan), 91 etseq.
Khazaneh Khas (Inner Treasury), 210
Khurrem — see Roxelana
Kiat Khanet (Sweet Waters of Europe),

69
Kiaya Caden — see Mistress of the harem
Kiler Kogu^u (Hall of the Pantry), 244, 252
Kiler Oda (Chamber of the Pantry), 239,

244
Kilerji-bashi (Controller of the Kitchen

Staff), 120
King's Gate (Bab-i-Sa'adet), 117
Kiosk of Abd ul-Mejid [Mecidiye Ko^kii),

51, 153, 252, 257
Kiosk of the Basket-makers, the [Sepetjiler

KoikU), 77-78
Kiosk of Mustafa Pasha {Sofa Ko^kU), 256
Kiosk of Pearls {Injili Ko^kU), 68 and «., 69,

70, 75
Kiosk of the ThirdEstate {Ugiincii Yeri), 257
Kiosks, 30, 41, 46, 47, 60. See also under

names of kiosks
Kislar Agha — see Eunuch, Chief Black
Kitchen service, controller of {Kikrji-

bashi), 239
Kitchen staff, 112, 114-115, 157
Kitchen utensils, 116

269

THE HAREM

Kitchens (mutfak't), 15, 31, 49, 50, 65, 81,
87,101, 108, iizetseq., 124, 155, 157,243

Kiusem (Kiosem or Kieuzel), Sultan, 188,
191, 192

Kohl, kajal, surma, ttitia (eye-black), 164 n.

Koran, the, 121, 134, 210, 226, 235, 247, 249

Kuhbealti — see Hall of the Divan

Kublai Khan, 245 «.

Kii^iik Kiikiirtlu, sulphur baths at Brusa, 229

Kiigilk Oda (Little Chamber), 240

Kurk (fur peUsse), 171

Ku^ak, Kooshak, Chussech (girdle), 168, 171

Ku^hane Kapisi (Gate of the Aviary), 1 54, 192

Kiitiiphanesi — see Library of Ahmed III

Kynegion, the, 66

L-SHAPED pillared hall, 34, 201, 251

La Motraye, Aubry de, description of

Seraglio by, 41 et seq.
Lata Pasha (controller of a prince's house-
hold), 128
Lane, E. L., cited, 219
Latrines, no, 204
Laundry men {Seferlis), 208
Laundry work, 155, 207, 208, 240
Lavatories, 155, 156, 157, 204, 205, 207, 209.

5ee also Latrines
Law of Ceremonies {Kanuni Teshrifat), the,

162
Leander's Tower, 67
LeUo, Henry, 32, 36
Leo the Armenian, Emperor, walls built

by, 56
Leo the Isaurian, Emperor, restorations to

walls by, 59
Leo XIII, Pope, 136
Lesbianism, 148, 220
Lesbians, 176

Levant, the, 44, 122, 138, 139
Levant Company, the, 31-32, 40
Liaison officer between Sultan and Kislar

Agha (Bash-Mussahib), 132
Library, hbraries, 24, 31, 49, 50, 51, 124
Library of Ahmed I, 235
Library {Kiitiiphanesi) of Ahmed III, 196,

233, is^etseq., 241
Library, New, 233
Lithdm, lisam (Tuareg veil), 172
Litter-bearers, 121
Little Chamber [Kiigiik Oda), 240
Liu, President, and castration, 149
Lybyer, Professor A. H., cited, 237
Lygos, Byzantium founded on site of, 54

Maheyin Hutnayun (reception-room of the

selamlik), 201
McCuUagh, F., cited, 20
Macedonian supremacy, 55
Madraseh of Hasseky, tiles in, 80
Mafil-i-Humayun (Tribune of the Sultan),

123
Mahmud I, 44, 45, 63, 225, 258
Mahmud II, 49, 62, 70, 93, 94, 102, 199, 21 1
Mahmud III, 181 n.
Mahramah (veil, outdoor), 172
* Make-up,' 164 and n.
Malcolm, Admiral Sir Pulteney, 49
Male sopranos (castrati), 136
Malta, 191, 219
Maltese, the, 190, 191
Mamboury, Professor, cited, 68, 131
Manageress of the Table Service, 177
MandiHon (soldier's coat), 167 and n.
Mangana, Imperial arsenal, 66, 68;

Monastery of, 67, 68; Palace of, 68;

Tower, 67, 68
Manuel I Comnenus, walls restored and

tovsTis built by, 56, 59, 67
Marble mounting block, 126
Marble or Marmor Kiosk, 60 «., 6i «., 62, 65
Marble terrace {Sultan Ibrahim Kameriyesi),

252
Marcian, Emperor, additions to New Rome

made by, 56
Maritza, battle of, 57
Marmora, Sea of, 17, 24, 54, 55, 58, 60, 62,

63. 64, 95. 109, 112, 156, 159, 197, 252
Martial, on castration, 147, 148
Mashata arcades, in Sancta Sophia, 123
Massage, 230-231

Master of Ceremonies {Kapi Agha), 120
Master of the Chamber {Oda-Lala), 132
Mattress cupboards, 156, 176
Meals, 105-106
Meat, 115

Mecca, 15, 129, 150, 190, 246, 248
Mecca, the Sherif of, 249
Mecidiye Koikii — see Kiosk of Abd ul-Mejid
Medes, the, and battle of Platxa, 55
Medina, 15, 129
Megara, the Dorians of, 54
Mehemed, Prince, tiirbeh of, 80
Melling, Antoine, cited, 62, 63, 64, 65,

66, 76, 77, 84-85, 86, 92, 94 et seq.,

103, 104, 107, 176
Menavino, cited, 19, 27, 28, 237, 241, 244
Mendil (handkerchief), 180

270

INDEX

Men's quarters — see Selamlik

Mess-room of Halberdiers, in

Messenia, 115 m.

Meyyit Kapi (Gate of the Dead), 109

Mezolere (trencher), 105

Michael II, Emperor, restoration to walls
made by, 59

Michael III, Emperor, walls built by, 56;
marble stables erected by, 71

Michael VIII Palaeologus, Byzantium
taken by, 56

Michael the Protovestarius, Postern of, 71

Mihtary School of State, the, 15, 237

Mill, the, 63, 66, 86

Miller, Dr Bamette, cited, 29, 5 1 , 84 et passim

MiUingen, Alexander van, on Byzantium,
54, 61 n., 67, 83 n.

Minister of Foreign Affairs, 201

Mir-Alem (Chief of the Standard, Com-
mander of the Chamberlains), 108

Mirimah Mosque, the, 123

Mistress of the harem [Kiaya Caden or
Ketkhuda), 132, 155, 156, 177

Mistress of the Robes, 177, 178, 179

Mistresses {Ustas), 183

Modone, oil from, 115

Moldavia, honey from, 115

Mongols, the, 245 n.

Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, cited, 167-
168, 170, 179, 212, 222, 224

Montesquieu, Charles le Secondat, Baron
de, cited, 146-147

Mosque: of Ahmed {Sultanahmet Camii),
in the Third Court, 236; of Ahmed I, in
the Et-meidan Square, 94, 213; of the
Barber, Kairwan, dedicated to Abu
Zemaa el Beloui, 245 ; of Bejir Aga,
109; Chinih, at Isnik, 80; of the Con-
queror, 80 ; of Murad I, at Brusa, 229 ;
of the Pages' School, 24, 31; of the
Palace School, 24, 236; of Rustem Pasha,
123, 124; of Sehm and its tiirbehs, 80;
of Sidi the Companion, 245; of Sinan
Pasha, 123

Mosques, 15, 31, 66, 109, no, 112, 119,
123, 124, 194, 233; in the Seraglio, 15,
24; Imperial, 129; in the Harem, 161,
176, 236

Motraye, Aubry de La, cited, 41, 42-43

Motrib-khdn (Musicians' Room), 112, 210

Moustapha Pacha Kieuschk, 22. See also
Mustafa

Mu'awiweh I, 247

Muchaver Pasha (Vice-Admiral Sir Adol-

phus Slade), 49
Mudania, near Brusa, 228, 229
Mufti, the, 191, 192, 201
Muhammad, the Prophet, cited, 142; Holy

Robe and other relics of, 121, 245 et seq.
Muhammad I, 14, 57, 80, 184
Muhammad II, 17, 56, 57, 58, 78, 82, 91,

97, 108, 112, 213, 214, 233. 238, 239,

250, 257
Muhammad III, 32, 33, 34, 187, 197, 248
Muhammed IV, 185, 186, 190, 191, 192,

210, 258
Muhammad V, 60

Muhammad Kiuprili I, Grand Vizir, 192
Mtihur ^erif (sacred seal), 249-250
Mundy, Peter, cited, 28, 36
Murad I, 14, 57, 88, 228, 229
Murad II, 57, 89, 134
Murad III, 19, 25, 29, 32, 68, 75, 92, 102,

129, 132, 186-187, 193. 195-196, 200,

207
Murad IV, 73, 188, 198, 210, 253, 254
Murassa altin be^ik (royal cradle), 156
Museum of Porcelaines, 22
Museum in the SeragUo, 23, 55 «., 166,

205, 233, 242
Musicians' room (motrib-khdn), 112, 210
MusUm Institution, the, loi
Mussahibs (officers carrying orders from

Sultan to Mistress o£ harem), 132
Mustafa I, 187
Mustafa II, 179, 233
Mustafa IV, 199
Mustafa Pasha, Kiosk of, 256
Miitalea Salomi (reading-room), 236
Mutawakkil, Caliph, 245 n.
Muthakh-emini (Steward of the Kitchen),

n4 ^
Mutfak't — see Kitchens

Nadir Agha, eunuch, 135
Nalin — see Pattens
Nargilehs — see Persian water-pipes
NatoUa (Anatoha), 104, 105
Navagero, Bernardo, cited, 237
Nazir (Inspector of the vakfs), 129
Nea, or New Church of Basil the Mace-
donian, 69
Negresses, 158, 183, 223
Negroponte, biscuits from, 86
Nerva, edicts against castration by, 138
New Bridge, the, 66

271

THE HAREM

New Kiosk, the, near the Summer Palace,

63-64
New Pavihon — see Kiosk of Abd ul-Mejid
New Rome — see Constantinople
New Testament, the, 14, 236
Nicaea, capture of, by Crusaders, 227
Nicetas Chroniates (Acominatus), cited, 67
Nicolay, Nicolas de, cited, 27-28, 83, 114,

163, 165, 170, 200
Nicolini, male soprano, 136
Nicomedia, 227
Nika revolt, the, 213

Nisang) Pasha (Grand Chancellor), 104, 105
Nissa, battle of, 55
Nohetyeri — see Guard-room
Nose, female, non-exposure of, 172
Nur Banu Sultan, Cmef Kadin, 186-187

Obelisks at the Hippodrome, 55

Ocakli Sofa (Vestibule of the Hearth), 159,

160
Oda, odas (chamber, lodgings, barracks,

unit, etc.), 91 and n. ; Treasurer of, 132 ;

Chief Officer of, 245
Oda-Lala (Master of the Chamber), 132
Odalisques, 21, 65 and n.
Odun Kapi (Wood Gate), 78
Office of directorate of the SeragUo {Kiler

Ko^u^u), 244
Officers attached to high State dignitaries,

quarters of, 108
Officers carrying orders from Sultan to

Mistress o( harem {Mussahihs), 132
Oil, from Greece and Candia, 115
Ok-meidan (archery ground), 39, 69
Old Serai {Eski Serai), 17, 58, 125, 135,

152, 177, 178, 182
Old Testament, the, 135, 141, 236
Omar, 246, 248, 249
' Open gallery* (pillared hall in the seldm-

lik), 41
Orbicular stones in a kiosk, 41
Origen, castration of, 136, 142
Orkhan, Sultan, 57 and n., 88, 89, 90, 162,

228
Orpiment, as depilatory paste, 219
Orta, meaning of, 91 n.
Ortakapi — see Gate, Central
Osman I, Sultan or Emir of the Ottoman

Turks, 57 and «., 88
Osman II, 188
Osman III, 25, 44, 48, 194, 195, 197, 198,

200

Osman, 'companion' of the Prophet,
249

Osmanh Sultans, 228

Otanes, Satrap, 55

Ottoman, Fadier, 191

Ottoman Empire, the, 14, 18, loi, 129,
135, 162

Ottoman Turks, the, 57

Outer Palace, kiosks in, 78

Outer Service, no, 130, 204, 238; mem-
bers of {Ajem-oghlans), 238

Outer Treasury, Superintendent of [Hazi-
nedar-bashi), 130

Pabug, or papoosh (shoes of yellow leather),

171
Paestum, 54
Pages {ig-oghlans), 33, 46, 107, 113, 119,

120, 203, 208 «., 209; school for — see

Palace School
Palace, Old — see Summer Palace
' Palace,' Persian word for, 16
" Palace of the Cannon Gate," — see Sum-
mer Palace
Palace craftsmen, the, 87
Palace School, the, 19, 24, 27, 28, 31, 46, 58,

72, 85, 90, 117, 120, 121, 201, 207, 233,

237 et seq., 252
Pallavicini, Marchioness, 52
Panionius the Chian, 147
Panttobles (pantouffles) (women's high

shoes), 167, 171
Pantomimists in the harem, 184
Papal choir, castrati in, 136
Parapets of pierced marble, 82, 200
Parasol box in harem, 156
Pardoe, Juha, descriptions of gate and baths

by, 100, 211-212, 222-223
Pasha Vizirs, the, 104
Pashas, 95, 99, 106; with three tails, 129,

132
Pa§maklik (pin money), 177
Pastromani, the (meat beaten out flat), 115
Pattens {nalin), 217-218, 225, 230, 231
Pausanias, the Spartan, and the battle of

Platasa, 55
Pavihon of Goldsmiths and Gem-setters, 87
Pavihon, or Chamber, of the Holy Mande

{Hirkai §erifOdasi), 19, 20, 24, 34, 161,

201, 202, 236, 244, 246, 249, 251, 252,

253
Pavihons for members of the Outer Service,

272

INDEX

Peiks (runners before the Sultan), 95

Pekin, Palace of, eunuchs at, 138, 139

Pensions, Jtarem, 177

Pera, 16, 31, 108, 123, 164

Persian carpets in the Seraglio, 39, 43, 205

Persian water-pipes {nargilehs), iii, 205,

206
Persians, the, and castration of prisoners,

137
Pescennius Niger, 55
Peshkeshji-bashi (Keeper of the Presents),

130
Phihp of Macedon, 55
Phihps, John, 40
Physicians, 133, 149, 197
Pilaf, 92, 107, 116, 176
Pillared Hall — see Hall of Campaign
Pindar, Sir Paul, Ambassador to the Porte,

36
Place of greeting [seldmlik), 193
Place-names, redundance of, 17, 58
Places closed to the pubHc in the SeragHo

{Gezilmiyen Yerler), 22
Places open to the pubhc in the Seraglio

[Gezilen Yerler), 22
Plaisirs de la petite oie, 149
Plataea, battle of, 55
Playing-field, 69
Pliny the elder, cited, 54
Pliny the younger, 227
Plumptre, Anne, translator of Pouqueville's

Travels, 63 n.
Polo, Marco, 245 n.
Polo-ground {Tzycanisterion), 69
Polygamy, 13, 134, 150
Porta de Isole, the, 61
Postern gates, 71, 74
Pouqueville, F. C, cited, 63 et seq.
Prayer, attitudes of, 176
Princes, education of, 30, 128
Princes' Islands, 61, 62, 252
Princes' Prison, or Cage (Kafes), 24, 33, 34,

41, 48, 49, 82, 188, 191, 197 etseq.
Princes' School, the, 24, 25, 128, 153 n.
Privy Stables, the, 28, 72
Procession Gate — see Gate of the Cool

Fountain
Procopius, Byzantine Hippodrome de-
scribed by, 70 and n.
Prusias, King of Bithynia, 227
Pubhc Divan, 103, 104, 116
Pubhc Treasury, Inspector of {Veznedar-

bashi), 130

s 273

Purchas, Samuel, Withers' translation of
Bon found in writings of, 35, 36

Purveyor of cloths, linens, muslins, etc.
{Bazerkian-bashi), 130

Pythia, former name of Chekirge, 227, 228

Queen Sultana [Cassachi Sultan), 182
Queen-Mother — see Sultan Valide

Rahat Lokum (Turkish delight), 117
Ramadan, or Ramazan, 76 «., 247, 250, 255
Ramberti, Benedetto, cited, 27, 114, 237
Reader of the Koran, 177
Reading-room [Miitalea Salonu), 236
Reception-room (Arzodasi) — see Throne

Room
Recruits for cavalry (Spahi-oghlans), 238
Registry (Defterhane), the, loi
Reign of Women {Kadinlar Sultanati), 186

et seq.
Reservoir in the l}arem, 155
Rest-room of bath of Selim II, 207
Revan (Erivan), 253
Revan Kiosk, 24, 28, 34, 39, 244, 251, 253,

254, 255, 256
Revenue, storage place of, 109
Richards, John, manuscript of, 145, 146,

224
Robes, ceremonial, 107, 121
Robes, female : caftan, 167, 168, 169 ;

curdee, 168 ; ferace, 172, 173
Rockhill, W. W., visit of, to Seragho, 52
Rococo decorations, 128, 194, 195, 211
Romans, the, at Byzantium, 55
Rome, 138, 147, 215
Room of the Executioner (Celldt Odasi),

99
Room of the Sultan's Presence, 201
Room of the Turban (Revan Kiosk, Sarik

Odasi), 253
Roxelana, 74, 135, 175, 176, 186
Royal bread, 86

Royal Chamber [Has oda), 239, 244
Royal Gate — see Gate of Fehcity
Royal Saloon [Hiinkdr Sofasi), 160, 183,

193, 195, 196, 205
Royal Seal {Tugra), 98, 104, 109, 121, 234
Royal wardrobe, 109
Ruling Institution, the, loi
Rumania, honey from, 115
Rumeha, slave-dealers in, 122
Runners before the Sultan (Peiks), 95
Rusma, a depilatory paste, 119, 220

THE HAREM

Rustem Pasha, 123, 124, 226, 229
Rycaut, Sir Paul, cited, 144, 185

Sacnissis (gazebos), 47, 72

Sacred water, phials of, 121

Sadi, GuUstan of, 235

^adirvan Kapisi (Gate of the Fountain), 251

Safieh, Safiye, or BafFa, First Kadin, 187

Saif al-Dawla, capture of Brusa by, 227

St Ambrose, on chastity, 136

St Barbara, Gate of, 60

St Demetrius, Church of, 61

St George of the Mangana, monastery

known as, 67
St Irene, Church of, 17, 82, 83 and n., 87,

98 n., 131
St Jerome, on chastity, 136
St Lazarus, convent of, 69
St Mark's, Venice, bronze horses of

Lysippus at, 56
St Mary Hodighitria, convent of, 69
St Paul, Church of, 75
St Saviour, Church of, healing springs of,

6S~69
St Simon, spring of, 244
Sakal (Beard of the Prophet), 245, 250
Sakka-bashi (Head Water-carrier), 91
Sakkas (carriers of water on horseback), 115
Salman, the Prophet's barber, 250
Salonica, Abd ul-Hamid's exile in, 20, 21
,^alvar, shalwar — see Trousers
Sammu-ramat (Semiramis), 135
Sancak §erif—see Standard of the Prophet
Sancta Sophia, 28, 56, 59, 123, 124, 213
Sandali (clean-shaved eunuchs), 143
Sandys, George, cited, 29, 75, 76, 144
Sara, meaning of, 16
Sarat, meaning of, 16
Sarai Aghast (Assistant Director of the

Pages' School), 240
" Sarail of Sultana," the, 28
Sarik Odasi — see Revan Kiosk
Sans, meanings of, 141
Scamatie, breeches of, 167 and n.
Scarf, Scarves [Chussechs), 165
Schedel, Hartmann, cited, 97
Schiltberger, Johann, cited, 89
School of cookery, 112
Scrolls, conical, affixed near exposed heads,

99
Scutari, 61, 67, 123, 210
Sea-gate of the Sea-horses, 38
Sea-gates, 118

Sea-walls, 56, 57 et seq.
Seal, Imperial {tu^ra), 98, 104, 109, 121, 234
Seal, sacred {Miihiir §erif), 249-250
Second Court (Court of the Divan), 18,
28-29, 38, 40, 42, 51, 61, 74, 81, 87, 92,
97 et seq., loi, 107, 125, 133, 204
Second Gate, 106

Seferli Ko^u^u — see Hall of Campaign
Seferlis (laundry men), 208
Segban-bashi (Janissary officer), 95
Segesta, Greek temple at, 54
Seiman (wadded jacket), 171
Selamlik, the, 16, 17, 18, 24, 27, 28, 29, 30,
32 etseq., 38, 39, no, 119, 125, 154, 160,
183-184, 193 et seq., 201, 203
Selenunte, Greek temple at, 54
Selim I, 14, 201, 208, 228, 239, 243, 246,

247, 249
SeUm II, 175, 186, 207-208, 237, 240, 241
Sehm III, 25, 63, 70, 93, 96, 102, 176, 184,

194, 199
Seljuk Turks, the, 57, 227
Semiramis (Sammu-ramat), 135
Senesino, male soprano, 136
Sepet (baskets), 77

Sepetjiler Ko^kti (Kiosk of the Basket-
makers), 77-78
Septimius Severus, 55, 66, 69, 213
Seraglio, the, 15, 16, 17, 18, 22, 23, 25-26,
27 et seq., 34 et seq., 46, 47, 49, 51, ii8,
124, 132, 133, 148, 152, 159, 163, 175,
191, 193 ; furnishings of, 38, 39, 43, 47,
76-77, 102 ; officer in charge of, during
Sultan's absence (Serai Agha), 120
SeragUo Hill, 24, 53 et seq., 135 ; Museum,

23, 55 «., 166, 205, 233, 242
Seragho Park, 60
Seraglio Point, 16, 17, 34, 43, 53, 54, 60 et

seq., 186
Seragho at Scutari, 61
Seragho Tower, 63
Serai, New [Yeni Serai), 17, 58
Serai, Old — see Old Serai
Serai Agha (officer in charge of SeragUo

during Sultan's absence), 120
Serai Bournou, the, 78
Seraskerat{^ir Office), 17
Serpent Column, the, 55 m.
Seven Towers, land- and sea-walls join at,

58
Sharabdar (cupbearer), 96
Shawl Gate, alleyway to, 126
Sheikh-ul-Islam, the, 94

274

INDEX

Sherbet, io6, 115, 116, 207

Shoes, female, 167 and «., 171

Shore Kiosk — see YaU Kiosk

Shutters, inlaid, 193

Silah Miizesi — see Arms Museum

Silence in the SeragUo Courts, 83, 98, 100,

106
Silihdar — see Sword-bearer
Silihdar Pasha, 188
Silver and glass collection (Gumii^ ve Billur

Salottu), 208, 242
Silver staffs of office, used by officials at

Divan, 106
Sinan, Turkish architect, 87, 112, 123, 161
Sinan Agha (or Sinan) Kiosk, 73, 74, 75,

76, 77
Sinan Pasha, Grand Vizir of Murad III, 68,

75
§ipiip, tchipship (house slippers), 171
Skoptsi sect of' rehgious ' eunuchs, 136
Slade, Vice-Admiral Sir Adolphus, tour

by, of the Seragho and later history of,

49-50
Slave-trade, 139-140
Slaves, 116, 139, 222, 223, 237
Slaves of the Gate (Janissaries), 89
Shpper money {pa^maklik), 177
SHpper-boot {^edik or tchelik), 171
Smock, female, 167
Smyrna, 42, 45

Sofa Ko^kii (Kiosk of Mustafa Pasha), 256
Sofa lounge, 159
So^^uk (^e^me Kapi — see Gate of the Cool

Fountain
Soteropohs, 227

Spadones, variety of eunuch, 142
Spahi-oghlans (recruits for cavalry), 238
Spahis, 107, 191
Spandugino, Theodoro Cantacasia, cited,

237
Sports fields of the Seraglio, 15
Springs, holy, 68, 244
Stable Gate — see Gate of the Stables
Stables, 28, 31, 71, 72, 109
Standard of the Prophet [Sancak §enf), 94,

246, 248
State of Complete Privacy {Kalvet), 259
Stent, Carter, on Chinese eunuchs, 180
Steward of the Kitchen (Mutbakh-emini),

114
Store, the {Chilier), 83, 86
Storerooms, 15
Subhme Porte {Bab-i-Humayun), 31, 59,

60 «., 72, 74, 82, 94, 97. 99, 200,

204
Suleiman the Magnificent, 14, 31, 62, 75,

81, 100, 102, 130, 132, 135, 162, 175, 176,

186, 228, 229, 243, 254
Suleiman II, 191, 198
Suleiman's spy-hole, 102-103, I04
Sultan, the, 13, 106, 124, 129, 131, 132, 175,

183-184, 207, 208
Sultan Ibrahim Kameriyesi (Marble Ter-
race), 252
Sultan Valid^ (Queen-Mother), 14, 25, 32,

65, 113, 123, 129, 130, 132, 153 M., 154,

158, 159, 160, 166, 174 et seq., 177, 178,

186, 193, 199, 203
Sultan's mews, the, 71-72
Sultan's robe, 106
Sultan's Privy Stables, 28, 72, 109
Sultana Sporca, La, 184-185
Sultanahmet Camii — see Mosque of Ahmed ;

Mutalea Salonu
Sultanahmet Ko§ku{smteo{ fay ouTitcKzdki.),

158
Sultanas, 47, 65, 113, 182, 203, 205, 207.

See also Kadins
Summer Palace [Top Capu Sarayi), 16, 17,

20, 21, 46, 63, 153, 258
Sunken Bath [Chukur Hamami), 214
Sunnet Odasi — see Hall of Circumcision
Superintendent of the Outer Treasury

(Hazinedar-bashi), 130
Sweet Waters of Europe {Kiat Khanet), 69
Sword of the Prophet, 245, 250-251
Sword-bearer {Kilifdar or Silihdar), 96, no,

244
Syrian art, 23, 124

Tahsin Chukru, Director of the Seraglio,

cited, 79, 80, 87, 160, 202
Taht Kapisi (Gate of the Throne), 160
Takke (woman's cap), 171
Talpock or Kalpak (Armenian headdress),

168, 171
Tamerlane, in Brusa, 2(28
Tana, butter from, 115
Tandir (charcoal pan), 176
Taormina, Graeco-Roman temple at, 54
Tapsi (large dish), 105
Tarkhan, Sultan Valide, 186, 191-192
Tasters {Chasnijirs), 114
Tavemier, J.-B., on the Seragho, 29, 78,

85, no, 116, 146, 208, 209, 210, 220, 234,

242, 246, 247, 249-250, 251

275

THE HAREM

Tcheragan, Palace of, 211

Tekfur Serai, tile factory at, 80

Tent {Qadir) Kiosk, 257

Tents and pavilions of the Sultans, chief

official in charge of (Chadir-Mihter-

bashi), 130
Tepidaria, 204, 205, 206, 230
TertuUian, cited, 136
Texier, C. F. M., cited, 214
Theatres, 55, 66, 69
Theatron Minor, the, of Septimius Sevenis,

55,66
Theodora, Empress, 227, 229
Theodosius I, 56, 58
Theodosius II, 56, 59
Theophilus, Emperor, 59
Thevenot, Jean de, cited, 29, 85, 219
Third Court, the, 28, 34, 38, 40, 42, 49, 51,

103, 124, 125, 133, 154, 202, 207, 233 et

seq., 241, 252
Third Gate {IJguncu Kapi), 49, 55, 257, 260
Third Hill, the, mint on, 87
Thhsice, variety of eunuch, 142
Thlihice, variety of eunuch, 142, 143
Thrace, Turkish Government transferred

to, 57
Throne of the Sultan, 107, 194, 233-234
Throne Room, or Audience Chamber

(Arzodasi), 22, 38, 49, 50, 51, 103, 106,

107, 118, 124, 193
Throne Room of the Ijaretn, 25
Throne Room Within {Hiinkdr Sofasi), 193
Tile Kiosk — see Chinili Kiosk
Tiles, 47, 79-80, 126, 127, 128-129, 155,

159, 160, 161, 193 et seq., 202, 251,

255
Tinning shop in SeragUo kitchen quarters,

112
Tooth of the Prophet, 246, 250
Top Capu Sarayi — see Summer Palace
Topi (tier of seats), the, 69
Topkapi (Cannon Gate), 60 and n., 62, 63
Toumefort, Joseph-Pitton de, cited, 83,

114
Towel or Scarf (Ascuigatoio), 165
Tower of Eugenius, 75 ; Tower of the

Mangana, 67, 68 ; Tower of the SeragUo,

Towers, 24, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 67, 72, 82,

97, 102, 103, no, 125, 126
Transylvania, honey from, 115
Treasurer {Hazinedar-bashi), 120, 129, 130,

239

Treasurer of the harem {Hazinedar Usta),
177

Treasury, the (Hazine), 23, 120, 208, 236,
243, 244, 252 ; Chamber of [Hazine Odd),
239 ; White Eunuch in charge of
[Hazinedar-bashi), 120, 179, 246

.Treasury Deposit [Emanat Hazinesi), 244,

251. 253
Treasury, Inner [Khazdneh Khas, If hazine),

24, 108, 109, 210, 233
Treasury, Privy, in the First Court, 83
Treasury, Secret, 30
Trebizond, 122
Trencher [mezolere), 105
Tribune of the Sultan [Mafil-i-Humayun),

123
Trousers, female [^alvar, shalwar), 164, 166,

167, 169
Tuaregs, the, mouth-veils of, 172
Tugra (royal monogram, royal seal), 98,

104, 109, 121, 234
Tuhp gardens 3.nd fetes, 253, 258
Tunics, female, 166
Turbans, 50, loi, 107, 120, 162, 171,

215
Tiirbeh of Mehemed Pasha, 80
Tiirbeh of Muhammad II, 250
Tiirbeh of Murad I, 229
Tiirbeh of Prince Mehemed, 80
Turkey Company, the, 40
Turkey-red dyeing, 45
Turkish adoption of Western alphabet and

phonetic spelling, difficulties due to,

16
Turkish art and architecture, 124
Turkish conquests in Europe, 56, 57
Turkish decoration in the SeragUo, 23
Turkish deUght [Rabat Lokum), 117
Turkish fireplace, typical, 127
Turkish Navy, the, 49
Turkish revolution of 1908, 135
Turks, the, use of eunuchs by, 134 et seq.
Tzycanisterion (polo-ground), 69

UfUncii Kapi — see Third Gate

Ugiincii Yeri in the Fourth Court (Kiosk

of the Third Estate), 257
Umayyad dynasty, 245 n., 247
Underground chambers, 46
Underground kiosk, 64
Underground reservoirs, 46
Ushers [chiausi), 104
Ustas (mistresses), 183

276

INDEX

Vaivodes, the (Moldavian Dukes), 115
Vakfs (religious endowments of Imperial

mosques), 129
Valens, Emperor, additions made to New

Rome by, 56
Valle, Pietro della, cited, 19
Veils, outdoor {burko, litham, tnahramah,

ya^mak), 172
Venetian Bailos, cited, 29, 34-35, 36, 37
Venice, 36, 187

Vestibule adorned with arms, 98
Vestibule of the Fountain {^e^meli Sofa),

159, 193
Vestibule of the Hearth {OcakU Sofa), 159,

160
Vezmdar-hashi (Inspector of the PubUc

Treasury), 130
Veznedars (weighers of the money received

by the Sultan), 130
Vieux Serai, the — see Old Serai
Visitors' Gallery, Sancta Sophia, capitals

in, 123
Vitruvius, cited, 214

Wages, official paying (secretary of the

Kislar Agha), 131-132
Waistcoats, female, 167, 169, 170
Waiting-rooms, 99
Walachia, honey from, 115
Wall kiosk of Osman III, 25, 160, 194,

195
Wall-fountains, 176, 204, 205, 206, 207,

234
Walls, 27, 46, 58 et seq., 72, 97, 109, 112,

154, 200, 253. See also Sea-walls
War Office (Seraskerat), 17
Water-boilers for baths, 203, 206
Water-garden (havuz), 256
Waterworks, 83, 87, 112
Wei-chung-hsien, eunuch, 150
Weighers of the money received by the

Sultan [Veznedars), 130
Welby, Miss Frances, 35
Wells, 78, 87-88, 124, 155
Western Gynasceum, the, 123

White, Charles, cited, 78, 81 «., 116, 235,

246, 249, 250
Withers, Robert, translation of Bon by, 35

et seq.
Wood Gate {Odun Kapi), the, 78
Wood-carriers (Ajem-oghlans), 115
Wood-cutters — see Halberdiers
Wood-yard, the, 83

Xenophon, cited, 137

Xerxes, favourite eunuch of, 147

Yafta (conical scroll), 99

Ya^Uk (handkerchief), 180

Yahourt (coagulated buttermilk), 223

Yailak-Bash-Kapi-Oghlan (Assistant Chief
Gatekeeper of the Apartments), 132

Yakali (' possessing collars '), sub-section of
corps of halberdiers, no

Yakasiz (' without collars '), sub-section of
corps of halberdiers, no

Yali or Shore Kiosk, 73, 74, 75, 76

Yali Ko^kii Kapi, the, 75

Yang-hsin-tien (bedroom of Chinese Em-
peror), 180

Ya^mak (outdoor veil), 172

Yatak odasi (bedroom), 159, 176

Yelek (waistcoat), 169, 170

Yemek odasi (dining-room) of the Sultan
Valide, 159

Yemeni (muslin handkerchief), 172

Yeni KapUja, baths at Brusa, 229

Yeni Serai (Sarayi), 17, 58

Ye§il (^ami (Green Mosque), 80, 226

Yildiz, palace of Abd ul-Hamid II at, 20-
21, 211, 243

Young, Sir George, cited, 19-20

Young Turks, the, 51

Zaferaga, Ragusan eunuch, 165

Zanan-ndmeh (Fazil), 225

Zara, Bassano da, cited, 19, 118, 163, 212,

21s et seq., 220 et seq., 255
Zimmermann, Professor, and the porcelain

collection in the Seraglio, 242
Ziiliifli Baltajikrs, the, 95, no

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Full text of "The Harem : an account of the institution as it existed in the palace of the Turkish sultans, with a history of the Grand Seraglio from its foundation to the present time"

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